肯尼迪就职演说（精选多篇）

发布时间：2022-05-22 18:09:31 来源：其他范文收藏本文下载本文手机版

推荐第1篇：肯尼迪就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说(John F.Kennedy: Inaugural Addre)

约翰·肯尼迪自幼受到良好的教育，最后读了哈佛大学和斯坦福大学，1940年毕业。第二次世界大战中肯尼迪加入美国海军，在对日作战中负伤。战后，肯尼迪29岁即当选为议员，后三次连任。他在1953 年9月12 日与杰奎琳·布维尔结婚，生有二子一女。

1960年肯尼迪参加总统竞选。他提出“新边疆”的竞选口号，倡导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域开拓新天地。1961年，肯尼迪在选民投票过程中以极小的差距赢得总统的位置，击败了共和党人尼克松，成为美国历史上最年轻的总统，也是第一个罗马天主教总统。

在肯尼迪的就职演说中说道：“不要问你的国家能为你做什么？而要问你能为你的国家做什么。”作为总统，他开始履行他的竞选承诺再次使美国运转起来。他上台后并非一切如愿。任职开始就遇到了美国入侵古巴惨败的事实。他为了寻得平等的权利采取有力措施，要求新公民权利立法。他给予民族文化的质量和艺术在一起至关重要的社会中心角色。他希望美国恢复老的任务作为致力于人权的革命的最早的民族。由于发展和和平小组的联盟，他对发展中国家的帮助为美国人带来理想主义。1963年，正当肯尼迪踌躇满志要进一步干一番事业的时候，他遇刺身亡。

我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家能为你做些什么，而要问你能为你的国家做些什么。

my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.

This much we pledge -- and more.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to \"undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppreed go free.\"?

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final succe or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His bleing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God\'s work must truly be our own.

推荐第2篇：肯尼迪就职演说

Inaugural Addre (January 20,1961) By John F.Kennedy We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary belief for which our forebears fought is still at iue around the globe, the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.This much we pledge—and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom, and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.T o those peoples in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required, not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progre, to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.讲评“肯尼迪总统就职演说词” ■北京外国语大学李品伟选评

美国总统就职演说词独具一格，而肯尼迪的讲演更是其中一篇为人们注目的代表作，字字句句经过刻意雕琢，有许多值得品味推敲之处。

它讲的是美国人为之骄傲的美国历史传统，讲的是美国的外交政策。

半个世纪以前的国际形势与今天大不相同：势不两立的两大阵营、激烈的军备竞赛、持续的冷战局面。这些在文章中可见端倪。

可是，在肯尼迪的全篇演说中，没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析，更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例，一切都隐晦、委婉、模糊不清，用的只是to friend and foe alike, to those nations who...等，没有经历或不熟悉那一段时期历史的人也许会摸不着头脑。不奇怪，这些在一定程度上代表了西方政治家的风格。

21世纪的今天，全球化(globali-zation)成了全世界所关注的问题，也成了人们天天在重复的一个词语，从形势上与此篇讲演的背景很有可比较之处，但这里我们主要是就此篇讲演中如何沿袭古希腊、罗马的修辞、文风，如何精心选用圣经语言句式，讲演稿如何注意音韵效果等问题分别举例讨论而已。因篇幅有限，只选用了前11段，未选全文。inaugural addre 指就职演说词。一般来说，演说词在英语里是speech,用addre这个词是比较少的。如果要说两者有什么差别的话，无非是风格上及使用场合上的区别。前者是一个普通的词，而addre从风格上来说更为庄重，指正式的致辞，除了总统演说词之外，也用于学校毕业典礼上校长的演说词等。

第一段第一个动词observe一般作“观察”解，但这里“观察”一看就说不通，说不通就可以试着通过上下文来推断或查一下词典。如果你的词典里observe有三个释义，那么你就要注意第二或第三个释义了，你的推断如果是“庆祝”，那就对了，此时它的英语等同语应该是celebrate,其宾语可以是这篇文章中的victory, (a celebration of) freedom。其他常见的搭配还有什么呢？有节日（festivals），有生日（birthdays），有周年纪念（anniversaries）等。这几个宾语中的birthday因为太普通了，可能用得少些。用得多的应该是anniversaries，因为它较之其他两个更为庄重。

从选词风格的角度来说，我们会注意到文章一开始有某些不太常用的词，如：forebears, prescribes等，可以说forbears这个词在中、小型词典中往往是查不到的，你必须查较大的词典。它的意思是祖先、祖宗，也就是我们一般熟悉的ancestor。两者用法上有所不同，那就是ancestor的单数很常见，而forebear则总是以复数形式forebears出现，从风格上，更具古风。Collins Co Build的Eential English Dictionary关于这个字的旁注是：N count（可数名词）/ usu.plural（一般复数）/ Formal（正式）；而ancestor的旁注则没有后面两点，由此可见两者的细微差别。

prescribe这个动词你不一定见得多，如见到，也多半是它的名词形式prescription（处方）。prescription是常用词，而动词prescribe则较常用于正式场合。关于这个动词同一词典有这样的第2条释义：If someone prescribes an action or duty, they state formally that it must be carried out.它所指的动作与开医药处方是两回事，意思不是别的而是“命令”，必须执行。

第二段以一个短句开始，与第一段的长句正好相反。唱歌读诗有节奏，句子与句子、段与段的关联也有节奏，如果一篇文章自始至终是缓慢而沉重的长句，读起来就沉重、缺乏起伏。所以第二段的一个短句不单起着承上启下的作用，而且还有速度上适当调节的作用，赋予了段落一种节奏感。

另外在用词方面，你会注意到这里又一次出现了forebears，而且还有一个在层次和风格上可与之称兄道弟的mortal hands与它做伴，在一般情况下我们见到的也许会是...holds in his hands the power to...，这里却多了mortal这一个大家不一定熟悉的词。mortal属非常用词，词义可以是：不能不死的，不共戴天的，性命攸关的。在这里应作“凡人的”，“人类的”解。回过头来想一下：非要这个词吗？没有它不行吗？当然是人的手，又会是谁的手呢？解答这个问题可以从两方面来说，一是这是自古以来常用的搭配，无须刨根问底，二是在这里有了mortal这个词，节奏鲜明，读起来感觉更好些，...holds in his mortal hands首先有头韵[h]，接着有2uldz, m0:tl, h*ndz，其中包含的元音（包括一般作为短元音的*）都有一定长度，它们所含浊辅音及旁流音构成的辅音连缀结尾赋予句子浓厚的韵味效果。

讲演除了论点清楚，有说服力外，还要考虑如何在公众场合中取得预期的最佳效果及如何调动人们的情绪，此外还需要掌握很多的技巧。它是一种学问，这种学问西方政治家们都要钻研，他们往往把它作为一个课程来学习。如果你看过西方政治家的传记一定已经注意到了这个问题。这实际上是一个始于希腊罗马时期的西方传统。对于“疯狂英语”的倡导人李扬人们多有评论，但有一点是应该肯定的，那就是革“哑巴英语”的命，初学者应如此，达到一定程度后，仍然应该如此。讲到这里，我们再来默默读一下本篇第4段，这里包含的几组头韵与尾韵，使句子富有一种鲜明的节奏感、音乐感，如：pay any price, bear any burden, wishes us well or ill, oppose any foe（第４段）这类现象你可以在文章中找到很多，多朗读一遍就会多发现一个，在此不一一举例。当然除了头韵、尾韵还有许多其他隐而不现的手段。以下我们抽出几个以let开头的句子作简略的讨论。所选的句子是：

Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch...to which we are committed today at home and around the world.（第3段） Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, ...the succe of liberty.(第4段) 在这样一个严肃的讲演中，也许有人会对出现let somebody do something这样的结构感到不可思议，因为他们以为let somebody do something只是一个口语中的表达法，如Let me do it.Let\'s sing the song together.但他们不一定能意识到所提到的let结构有时表达的意思、语气正好与口语中的截然相反，它们含有的是一种号召、命令的口吻。上面所选的两个句子译成汉语当然可以是：让每个国家都知道，„„；从现在起，从这个地方开始，让这个信息传递到我们的朋友，也传递到我们的敌人那里„„。再考虑一下，这样的口气是否太婉转了一些而与文章的格调不相称呢？

为解答这一问题，我们不妨一起看一下当代美国惯用法词典A Dictionary of Contemporary American Usage (Evans)的有关讲解：let is also used to form a peculiar imperative（祈使句）that includes the speaker along with the person addreed, as in Let us be true to each other.这个句子有一种号召的口吻，us也指我们以外的某人或某些人。请再看《圣经》中“创世纪”第1章3，4，15段： 3.And God said, let there be light; and there was light.（上帝说要有光，就有了光。） 4.And God saw the light, that it was good; and God divided the light from the darkne.（上帝看光是好的，就把明暗分开了。）

15.And let there be lights in the firmament of the heaven to give light upon the earth and it was so.（上帝说，天上要有光体，并要发光在天空、普照在大地上，事就这样成了。）

最后，你一定也已经注意到此文中有不少运用了排比与对偶手段的句子。

如第6段中的United, there is little we cannot...Divided, there is little we can do,...第8段中的...not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes， but because it is right.及第3段中的 Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans, born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.这里that宾语从句内所含的修饰语中有连续出现的过去分词短语：born in..., tempered by..., disciplined by..., 也有连续出现的以形容词开始的短语proud of..., unwilling to ...，也有to which this nation..., and to which we are committed today at home and around the world这样的定语从句。

第4段中...that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe...也是类似情况的排比。

当然这些排比有时铿锵有力，但不当则会显得累赘、不自然，所以一定要注意恰当运用这种修辞手段。

→如果您认为本词条还有待完善，请编辑词条词条内容仅供参考，如果您需要解决具体问题

推荐第3篇：肯尼迪就职演说

肯尼迪就职演说

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 196

1Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.the world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at iue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages acro the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for proGRE--to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two GREat and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to \"undo the heavy burdens ...and to let the oppreed go free.\"

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong

are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final succe or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, \"rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation\"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His bleing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God\'s work must truly be our own.

中文译文：

我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。

现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注

定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。

我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。

让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。

这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。

对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。

对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。

对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。

对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。

至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。

最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。

我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。

可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。

因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏

惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。

让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题，而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议，并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。

让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球，治理沙漠，消除疾病，开发海洋深处，并鼓励艺术和商务。

让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令，去“卸下沉重的负担„„(并)让被压迫者得自由。”

如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，那么，让双方联合作一次新的努力吧，这不是追求新的权力均衡，而是建立一个新的法治世界，在那世界上强者公正，弱者安全，和平在握。

凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成，不会在最初的一千天中完成，不会在本政府任期中完成，甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。

同胞们，我们事业的最后成效，主要不是掌握在我手里，而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来，每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。

现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的；不是号召我们去作战，虽然我们准备应战；那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争，“在希望中欢乐，在患难中忍耐”；这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。

我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人，来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力?

在世界的悠久历史中，只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩；我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。

所以，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要问美国愿为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民，请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧，我们行为的最后裁判者是历史，让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土，企求上帝的保佑与扶携，但我们知道，在这个世界上，上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。

推荐第4篇：肯尼迪就职演说评析

美国第三十五任总统John Fitzgerald Francis Kennedy (1917-1963)约翰.弗.肯尼迪1961年元月20日在首都华盛顿国会大厦前发表“就职演说”时，我在读初中三年级，学的是俄语。直到1980年，我才在美国出版的“English For Today”“今日英语”教材的第五册里阅读到了这篇演说，而且还听了这篇演说的实况录音。现在这篇演说已被一字未删地选入《Advanced English》“高级英语”（张汉熙主编，商务印书馆出版发行），《21 Century College English》 “二十一世纪大学英语”（复旦大学，交通大学主编;高等教育出版社，复旦大学出版社出版发行）英语教材里作为高等院校的英语学习教材。1980年，那时大学外语教学还是很原始落后的。我想得到英语版的联合国“人权宣言”，但在当时武汉的中南财经学院图书馆里没有。找到武汉大学图书馆，那里才只有一本油印的“人权宣言”小册子。我想得到英文版的“中华人民共和国刑法”这书，武汉的外文书店买不到。我托原北京地院外语老师去北京外国专家局找有关专家打听此书，专家说，《刑法》英文译文由他翻译，正在他手里，由于没有出版，他不能外借。肯尼迪“就职演说”是在演说之后十九年被我们看到。时过境迁，2009年元月20日，全世界几乎所有的人都能从网上及各种媒体上听到，见到，读到美国第一位黑人总统奥巴马的“就职演说”。虽然有的人看到的是被有些媒体屏掉了（Recall that earlier generations faced down Fascism and Communism not just with miiles and tanks but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions.我们在此回忆先辈，他们战胜了法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的不仅是导弹，坦克；更是靠坚定的盟友和不移的信念。），（To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dient know that you are on the wrong side of history but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.对于那些通过腐败，欺骗，压制异见来统治的人，你们应该知道你们站在了历史的对立面。但是，如果你们愿意放开紧攥的拳头，我们会向你们伸出一只手。）这些文字的演说，但是1961年那时代的人能听到，见到，读到的是完全不能与今天相比的了！

阅读翻译注释

1、

Mr.Chief Justice,President Eisenhower,Vice President Nixon,President Truman,Reverend Clergy,Fellow Citizens,we observe today not a victory of party,but a celebration of freedom – symbolizing an end as well as a beginning – signifying renewal,as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at iue around the globe – the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state,but from the hand of God.

首席法官先生，艾森豪威尔威尔总统，尼克松副总统，杜鲁门总统，尊敬的神父，同胞们；我们今天庆祝的不是一次政党的胜利而是庆祝自由精神的胜利 - 这不仅象征结束 –这还象征开始 – 意味着更新 – 也意味着变革。我在你们和全能的上帝面前宣读了将近一百七十年前我们祖先拟定的同一庒严的誓言。现在，这世界已完全不同了。人类把消除各种贫穷及毁灭各种形式的生活的力量握在巨手中。然而，在全球，我们祖先为之奋斗的相同的革命信念仍然在争论之中 – 这信念:人权不是来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝之手。

1：the same solemn oath: I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States,and will,to the best of my ability,preserve protest and defend the Constitution of the United States.同一庒严的誓词：我郑重地宣誓我一定满怀信心地履任美国总统职务，尽我所能，维持，保护和防卫美国宪法。

2：林肯：four score and seven years ago,八十七年前；肯尼迪在此借用：nearly a century and three quarters ago接近一百七十五年前

2.． We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place,to friend and foe alike,that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans – born in this century,tempered by war,disciplined by a hard and bitter peace,proud of our ancient heritage – and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

今天，我们不会忘记我们是第一次革命的后代。在此时此地，让我们的朋友和敌人都听到我们的讲话：火炬已传到了新一代美国人手里 – 生在本世纪，受过战争的考炼，经历艰难困苦的和平磨炼，以我们古老的传统而自豪 – 不愿意眼看着，不容忍我们美国一直承诺的,今天在美国及全球仍然在承诺的人权，不断地遭受践踏。

3、

Let every nation know,whether it wishes us well or ill,that we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe,in order to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.This much we pledge – and more.

让每一个希望我们好还是希望我们不好的国家知道，我们将不惜一切代价，承受一切负担，面对各种困难，支持所有朋友，反对一切敌人，以捍卫和争取自由的胜利。我们保证这些 – 而且不仅如此。

对偶：有意识地把词意相对的词语放在对称的结构中形成对照。结构匀称，整齐，词的意义相反而互相衬托，使语言鲜明，使语义加强。

well or ill place and time

friend foe

united,little we can not do,divided,little we can do.(第四段)

If a free society can not help the many who are poor,it can not save the few who are rich.（第六段）

It was the best of times,it was the worst of times,

It was the age of wisdom智慧,it was the age of foolishne愚蠢

It was the epoch of belief信仰，it was the epoch of incredulity怀疑

It was the season of light,it was the season of darkne,

It was the spring of hope,it was the winter of despair绝望,

We had everything before us,we had nothing before us,

We were all going direct to heaven,we were all going direct the other way.狄更斯：《双城记》

Tom gave up the brush with reluctance in his face,but eagerne in his heart.马克。吐温：

排比：结构相同，意义并重，语气一致的词组或句子排列成串，形成一个整体。渲染，壮文势，广文义。使文章条理清楚，论点突出。

That we shall pay any price,bear any burden,meet any hardship,support any friend,oppose any foe,

There was a song in every heart;there was cheer in every face and a spring in every step.Mark Twain:

4.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share,we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United,there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided,there is little we can do – for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证对挚友的忠诚。团结一致，我们在许多合作事业中将无往不胜。四分五裂，我们将一事无成。- 因为，意见分歧，各行其是，我们就不能对付强大的挑战。

5.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free,we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far greater iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom – and to remember that ,in the past,those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

对那些我们欢迎他们加入自由行列的新国家，我们保证对现我们的诺言：一种形式的殖民控制的结束，决不能被更为暴虐的专制来代替。我们不总是指望看到他们支持我们的观点,但是，我们总是希望看到他们强烈的支持他们自己的自由 – 请记住，在过去，那些靠骑在虎背上愚蠢地寻找力量的人,必葬身虎腹。

1：One form of colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far greater iron tyranny.

否定的转移：

Man does not live that he may eat but eats that he may live.人活着，不是为了吃；但是,吃，人才活下来。

I do not think you are right.

The machine did not stop for lack of oil.

2：Those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

There once was a lady from Niger(尼日尓)，

Who smiled as she rode on a tiger.

They came back from the ride,

With the lady inside,

And the smile on the face of the tiger.

6.To those peoples in the huts and villages acro the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery,we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves,for whatever period is required – not because the Communists may be doing it,not because we seek their votes,but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor,it cannot save the few who are rich.

对那些遍布在另一半地球上的茅屋荒村里，正在奋力打碎穷困锁链的各民族；我们保证，无认需要多长时间，将尽最大的努力，来帮助他们帮助他们自己 – 不是因为共产党可能做这些，也不是因为我们寻求他们在联合国里的选票，而是这样做是正确的。如果自由社会不能帮助那些众多穷人，那么它就不能拯救少数富人。

7.To our sister republics south of our border,we offer a special pledge – to convert our good words into good deeds,in a new alliance for progre,to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the mater of its own house.

对那些我们边界以南的各姐妹邻邦，我们提出特别的保证 – 在为进步而缔结成新的联盟中，把我们良好的诺言转变成有益的行动，支持自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品。让我们所有的邻邦知道，我们将和他们一起反对美洲大陆上任何地方的侵略和颠覆。让所有其他国家知道，西半球的人民决心继续做自己家园的主人。

8.To that world aembly of sovereign states,the United Nations,our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace,we renew our pledge of support – to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective – to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak – and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

对联合国，这个主权国家的世界性议会组织，在战争手段远远超过和平手段这一时代，我们最美好和最后的希望之所在，我们重申我们对联合国支持的保证 – 防止它仅仅变成谩骂的讲坛 – 加强对新生国家和弱小国家的保护 – 扩大联合国的决议得以执行的范围。

9.Finally,to those nations who would make themselves our adversary,we offer not a pledge but a request: that

both sides begin anew the quest for peace,before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

最后，对那些一定要使自己成为我们敌手的国家，我们不是做出保证，而是提出要求：我们双方重新开始谋求和平，不要等到被科学释放出的毁灭性的巨大威力因有意或无意的自我毁灭而吞灭全人类。

10.We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can

be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

我们决不用软弱引诱他们，因为只有当我们的武力强大得无可怀疑，我们才能豪不怀疑地确

信这些

武

器

永

远

不

被

使

用

。

11.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course

–

both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons,both rightly alarmed by the steady

spread of the deadly atom,yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the

hand of mankind’s final war.

但是，两个伟大而强有力的国家集团都不能从我们现在的局势中获得安慰 – 双方超负荷地负

担现代武器的开支，双方理所当然为致命的原子武器不断地扩散而忧心忡忡。然而，双方竟

争着去改变这种遏制人类最后战争不确定的恐怖均势。

12．So let us begin anew – remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne,and

sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to

negotiate.

因此，让我们重新开始 – 双方都记住：礼让并不表示软弱，诚意永远需要验证。让我们决不

因为害怕而谈判。但是，让我们决不害怕谈判。

反复（Repetition）:反复使用同一个词，句子或段落，借以加强语气和感情，使文章产生突出

的效果。（罗嗦重复，则是语病）

To those old allies第四段至第九段共重复五次。

So let us begin anew 第十二段至第十六段共享了四次。

We pledge our best effort to help them help themselves.

Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.

英国诗人Thomas Hood的

Work – work – work !

Till the brain begins to swim!

Work – work – work,

Till the eyes are heavy and dim(暗淡)。

Seam(缝合)，and guet(缝三角形布料)and band（镶边，绑扎），

Band,and guet,and seam –

Till over the buttons I fall asleep.

And sew them on a dream.描写工作的繁重，单调，枯燥。

13.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of laboring those problems which divide

us.

让双方探讨使我们团结的问题，而不要过分花精力于使我们分裂的那些问题。

14.Let both sides,for the first time,formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and

control of arms – and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute

control of all nations.

让双方首次为军备捡查及军备控制制定严肃精确的计划 – 把毁灭别的国家的绝对力量置于

所有国家的绝对控制之下。

15.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us

explore the stars,conquer the deserts,eradicate disease,tap the ocean depths,and encourage the

arts and commerce.

让双方寻求实现科学创造的奇迹，而不是它的恐惧。让我们一起探索星星，征服沙漠，根治

疾病，开发海底资源，发展艺术，促进贸易。

排比：explore the stars,conquer the deserts,eradicate disease,tap the ocean depths,and

Encourage the arts and commerce.

16．Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah – to “undo the

heavy burdens and to let the oppreed go free.”

让双方团结起来，在地球的每一个角落倾听先知以赛亜的号令 – “卸下沉重的负担，让被压

迫者获得自由。

17.And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,let both sides join in

creating a new endeavor , not a new balance of power,but a new world of law,where the strong

are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

如果合作的滩头可以逼退猜疑的丛林，就让双方携手创造一种新的均势，不是一种新的力量

均势，而是一个法治的新世界，在那里，强者公允，弱者安全，和平得到保卫。

18．All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1000 days,nor

in the life of this administration,nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.

所有这些不能在本届政府任期内的第一个一百天里，一千天里，整个任期内完成；甚至也许

在这颗星球上,我们的一辈子都不能完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

19.In your hands,my fellow citizens,more than in mine,will rest the final succe or failure of our

course.Since this country was founded,each generation of Americans has been summoned to give

testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service

are found around the globe.

同胞们，我们事业最终的成败不仅掌握在我手中，更是在你们的手中。自这个国家成立以来，

一代代美国人被召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应国家召唤的年青美国人的坟墓遍布全

球。

20.Now the trumpet summons us again – not as a call to bear arms,though arms we need;not as

a call to battle,though embattled we are;but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight

struggle,year in,and year out,“rejoicing in hope,patient in tribulation” – a struggle against the

common enemies of man:tyranny,poverty,disease,and war itself.

现在号角又一次在召唤我们 – 不是号召背上武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是号召去战斗，虽

然我们严阵以待；而是号召背上漫长黎明的斗争重任，年复一年，“满怀希望而欢欣鼓舞，磨

难中忍耐”- 进行反对人类共同敌人的斗争：暴政，贫穷，疾病及各种战争。

21.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance,North and South,East and

West,that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind?Will you join in that historic effort?

我们能建立一个把东西南北连在一起的伟大全球联盟来对付这些敌人，以确保全人类

更为丰硕的生活吗？你们愿意加入到这一具有历史意义的行动中来吗？

22.In the long history of the world,only a few generations have been granted the role of defending

freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility – I welcome it.I do

not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.

The energy,the faith,the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all

who serve it – and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

在漫长的世界历史里，只有少数的几代人在自由面临极大危险的时刻被赋予保卫自由的角色。

我不推卸这一责任 – 我欢迎它。我认为我们之中的任何人不会与别人或另一代人交换位置。

我们献给这一事业的精力，信心，忠诚将照亮我们的国家和所有为国服务的人 – 这火焰发出

的光芒定能真正地照亮全世界。

23.And so,my fellow Americans,ask not what your country can do for you.Ask what you can do for

your country.

因此，我的美国同胞们，不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什麽，而要问你们能为你们的国家

做些什麽。

24.My fellow citizens of the world: Ask not what America will do for you,but what together we can

do for the freedom of man.

我的世界各国的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们大家一起能为人类的自

由做些什么。

反复：第二十三，第二十四段使用反复的修词手法。

25.Finally,whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world,ask of us the same high

standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure

reward,with history the final judge of our deeds,let us go forth to lead the land we love,asking

His bleing and His help,but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.

最后，无论我的美国同胞还是世界各国的公民们，请用我们要求于你们的力量和牺牲精

神同样的高标准来要求我们。我们唯一确信的报赏是对得起我们的良心（我们问心无愧）

,历史是我们行动的最后见证人，让我们领导我们所热爱的国家向前进，请求上帝的保佑和帮

助，但是，要知道在这个星球上，上帝的工作真正的是我们自己的工作。

推荐第5篇：肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural Addre

John F.Kennedy

Inaugural Addre

delivered 20 January 1961

Vice president Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, president Eisenhower, Vice president Nixon, president Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

This much we pledge -- and more.

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to \"undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppreed go free.\"¹

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

推荐第6篇：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说（1961年1月20日）

Inaugural Addre of John F.KennedyJanuary 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President

Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们：

We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我们今天所看到的，并非是某一党派的胜利，而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束，亦象征着开始；意味着更新，亦意味着变化。因为我已在你们及万能的上帝面前，依着我们先辈175年前写下的誓言宣誓。

The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at iue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God.世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而，我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是，每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予，而是出自上帝之手。

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

今天，我们不敢有忘，我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时，让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达：火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪，既经受过战火的锤炼，又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。他们深为我们古老的遗产所自豪——决不愿目睹或听任诸项人权受到无形的侵蚀，这些权利不仅为这个国家始终信守不渝，亦是我们正在国内和世界上誓死捍卫的东西。

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.

让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。 This much we pledge -- and more.

这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。

remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。

对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民，我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力，以使他们获得自助的能力。因为这是时代对我们提出的要求——不是因为共～产～党人可能如此行事、不是因为我们需要他们的选票，仅仅是因为这样做是正当的。

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progre, to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。

对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国，我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛，为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域，我们现在重申对它的支持承诺。 Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.最后，对于那些主动站到我们敌对面的国家，我们提出的不是许诺，而是恳求：在被科学释放出的、黑暗的破坏力量以有计划的或偶然性的自我毁灭方式吞噬全人类之前，恳求双方再一次地开始谋求和平的努力。

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.

我们不敢以软弱诱惑它们，因为只有当我们的军备充足到确切无疑的程度时，我们才能确切无疑地肯定它们永远不会被投入使用。但这两个强大的国家集团都无法从彼此当前的做法中得到安慰——双方都背负了过高的现代武器系统的成本、双方都理所当然地对致死性原子武器的持续扩散感到惊恐不安，但双方都竞相改变不确定的恐怖均衡，这种均衡恰恰抑制了人类最后摊牌的冲动。

Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.让我们永远不要因为惧怕而谈判，让我们永远不要惧怕谈判。

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.让双方探寻那些能将我们团结在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我们的因素。 Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

让双方首先提出认真细致的方案来核查及控制军备，并将毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方努力去激发科学的奇迹，而非科学的恐怖。让我们一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、开发海洋深处，鼓励艺术和商业。

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to \"undo the heavy burdens...[and] let the oppreed go free.\"

让双方在世界每一个角落，都共同信守《圣经．以赛亚书》中的教诲——“卸下重负……让被压迫者自由。”

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡，而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义，弱者安全，和平维系

所有这些工作将不会在从现在起的一百天、一千天内完成，也不会在本届行政分支任期内完成，甚至可能不会在我们的有生之年完成，但是，请让我们现在开始工作。

我的同胞们，我们事业的最终成败将掌握在你们的手中而不仅仅是我的手中。从这个国家被创建那天起，每一代美国人都被召唤去证实自己对国家的忠诚。那些响应号召献身国家的年轻美国人的安息之所遍布全球。

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation, a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.现在，召唤的号角又一次吹响——不是号召我们扛起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的——也不是号召我们去参加战斗，虽然我们准备战斗——而是号召我们年复一年地去进行一场漫长而未分胜负的搏斗，在希望中欢乐，而患难中忍耐，以反对人类共同的敌人：暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身。

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

为了反对这些敌人，我们能够将南方与北方、东方与西方团结起来，熔铸成一个伟大的和全球性的联盟，以确保全人类得享更为成果累累的生活吗？你们愿意参与这项历史性的努力吗？

在世界历史的长河里，只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危机时捍卫自由的使命，我不会畏缩于这一责任——我欢迎它！我也不相信我们中的任何人会愿意与其他国家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而处。我们在这场努力中所倾注的精力、信念和奉献将照耀我们的国家以及所有为之献身的人，火焰所放射出的光芒必将普照全世界。

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而应问你能为你的国家做些什么。My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

我的世界同胞们，不要问美国将为你做些什么，而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His bleing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God\'s work must truly be our own.

最后，无论是美国公民还是世界其他国家的公民，请用我们要求于你们的关于力量和牺牲的高标准来要求我们，本着我们唯一可以指望有所回报的善意良知，依着能最终裁决我们功业的历史，让我们着手领导我们所热爱的国家，在祈求神的赐福和神的帮助的同时，也能深切体认，在这片土地上，神的工作必定也是我们自己所应承担的使命。

推荐第7篇：约翰·肯尼迪就职演说英语演讲稿

John F.Kennedy: Inaugural Addre

¡¡¡¡Ô¼º²¡¤¿ÏÄáµÏÊÇÒ»Î»Õ½ÕùÓ¢ÐÛ£¬ÆÕÀû²ß½±»ñµÃÕß£¬ÎåÊ®Äê´ú´ó²¿·ÖÊ±¼äÀïµÄ²ÎÒéÔ±¡£1960ÄêµÄ11ÔÂ£¬Äê½ö43ËêµÄËû³ÉÎªÃÀ¹úÀúÊ·Ñ¡Ôñ²úÉúµÄ×îÄêÇáµÄ×ÜÍ³¡£1963Äê11ÔÂ22ÈÕËûÔÚµÂ¿ËÈøË¹ÖÝµÄ´ïÀ-Ë¹Óö´ÌÉíÍö£¬ÊÇÃÀ¹úÀúÊ·ÉÏµÚËÄÎ»ËÀÓÚ°µÉ±Õß×Óµ¯µÄ×ÜÍ³¡£ We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at iue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God. We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

This much we pledge -- and more.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich. To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progre, to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to \"undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppreed go free.\"

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

推荐第8篇：8美国总统肯尼迪就职演说(1961年)

1961年美国总统肯尼迪就职演说

Inaugural Addre of John F.Kennedy

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

This much we pledge--and more.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for progre--to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to \"undo the heavy burdens ...and to let the oppreed go free.\"

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

火炬已经传给新一代美国人

约翰-肯尼迪就职演讲

星期五,1961年1月20日

首席法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、各位公民：

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端，表示了一种更新，也表示了一种变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。现在的世界已大不相同了，人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利井非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪——他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落——为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证——而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友，我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无在而下胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成——因为我们不敢在争吵下休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由——而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地骑在虎背上谋求权力的人，都是以葬身虎口而告终。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村，为摆脱普遍贪困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽量大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的，自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法保全少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

联合国是主权国家的世界性议事机构，是我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在。因此，我们重申予以支持；防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些想与我们作时的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力

4 量，把全人类卷人到预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远下会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰——发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却在争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不移定的恐怖均势。因此，让我们双方重新开始——双方都要牢记。礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有侍于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深梅，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令——“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”

如果合作的滩头阵地的逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力：不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全，和平将得到维护。

所有这一切下可能在第一个一百天内完成，也不可能在第一个一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。

公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响——不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器，不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，“从希望中得到欢乐，在苦难中保持坚韧”，去反对人类共同的敌人——专制、贫困、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有力国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能力你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民们，不要间美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自中做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应该要求我们现出我们同样要求于你们地高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所珍爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切的说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。

5 1949年美国总统杜鲁门就职演说

Inaugural Addre of Harry S.Truman

THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1949

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Chief Justice, and fellow citizens, I accept with humility the honor which the American people have conferred upon me.I accept it with a deep resolve to do all that I can for the welfare of this Nation and for the peace of the world.

In performing the duties of my office, I need the help and prayers of every one of you.I ask for your encouragement and your support.The tasks we face are difficult, and we can accomplish them only if we work together.

Each period of our national history has had its special challenges.Those that confront us now are as momentous as any in the past.Today marks the beginning not only of a new administration, but of a period that will be eventful, perhaps decisive, for us and for the world.

It may be our lot to experience, and in large measure to bring about, a major turning point in the long history of the human race.The first half of this century has been marked by unprecedented and brutal attacks on the rights of man, and by the two most frightful wars in history.The supreme need of our time is for men to learn to live together in peace and harmony.

The peoples of the earth face the future with grave uncertainty, composed almost equally of great hopes and great fears.In this time of doubt, they look to the United States as never before for good will, strength, and wise leadership.

It is fitting, therefore, that we take this occasion to proclaim to the world the eential principles of the faith by which we live, and to declare our aims to all peoples.

The American people stand firm in the faith which has inspired this Nation from the beginning.We believe that all men have a right to equal justice under law and equal opportunity to share in the common good.We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and expreion.We believe that all men are created equal because they are created in the image of God.

From this faith we will not be moved.

The American people desire, and are determined to work for, a world in which all nations and all peoples are free to govern themselves as they see fit, and to achieve a decent and satisfying life.Above all else, our people desire, and are determined to work for, peace on earth--a just and lasting peace--based on genuine agreement freely arrived at by equals.

In the pursuit of these aims, the United States and other like- minded nations find themselves directly opposed by a regime with contrary aims and a totally different concept of life.

That regime adheres to a false philosophy which purports to offer freedom, security, and greater opportunity to mankind.Misled by this philosophy, many peoples have sacrificed their liberties only to learn to their sorrow that deceit and mockery, poverty and tyranny, are their reward.

That false philosophy is communism.

Communism is based on the belief that man is so weak and inadequate that he is unable to govern himself, and therefore requires the rule of strong masters.

Democracy is based on the conviction that man has the moral and intellectual capacity, as well as the inalienable right, to govern himself with reason and justice.

Communism subjects the individual to arrest without lawful cause, punishment without trial, and forced labor as the chattel of the state.It decrees what information he shall receive, what art he shall produce, what leaders he shall follow, and what thoughts he shall think.

Democracy maintains that government is established for the benefit of the individual, and is charged with the responsibility of protecting the rights of the individual and his freedom in the exercise of his abilities.

Communism maintains that social wrongs can be corrected only by violence.

Democracy has proved that social justice can be achieved through peaceful change.

Communism holds that the world is so deeply divided into opposing claes that war is inevitable.

Democracy holds that free nations can settle differences justly and maintain lasting peace.

These differences between communism and democracy do not concern the United States alone.People everywhere are coming to realize that what is involved is material well-being, human dignity, and the right to believe in and worship God.

I state these differences, not to draw iues of belief as such, but because the actions resulting from the Communist philosophy are a threat to the efforts of free nations to bring about world recovery and lasting peace.

Since the end of hostilities, the United States has invested its substance and its energy in a great constructive effort to restore peace, stability, and freedom to the world.

We have sought no territory and we have imposed our will on none.We have asked for no privileges we would not extend to others.

We have constantly and vigorously supported the United Nations and related agencies as a means of applying democratic principles to international relations.We have consistently advocated and relied upon peaceful settlement of disputes among nations.

We have made every effort to secure agreement on effective international control of our most powerful weapon, and we have worked steadily for the limitation and control of all armaments.

We have encouraged, by precept and example, the expansion of world trade on a sound and fair basis.

Almost a year ago, in company with 16 free nations of Europe, we launched the greatest cooperative economic program in history.The purpose of that unprecedented effort is to invigorate and strengthen democracy in Europe, so that the free people of that continent can resume their rightful place in the forefront of civilization and can contribute once more to the security and welfare of the world.

Our efforts have brought new hope to all mankind.We have beaten back despair and defeatism.We have saved a number of countries from losing their liberty.Hundreds of millions of people all over the world now agree with us, that we need not have war--that we can have peace.

The initiative is ours.

We are moving on with other nations to build an even stronger structure of international order and justice.We shall have as our partners countries which, no longer solely concerned with the problem of national survival, are now working to improve the standards of living of all their people.We are ready to undertake new projects to strengthen the free world.

In the coming years, our program for peace and freedom will emphasize four major courses of action.

First, we will continue to give unfaltering support to the United Nations and related agencies, and we will continue to search for ways to strengthen their authority and increase their effectivene.We believe that the United Nations will be strengthened by the new nations which are being formed in lands now advancing toward self-government under democratic principles.

Second, we will continue our programs for world economic recovery.

This means, first of all, that we must keep our full weight behind the European recovery program.We are confident of the succe of this major venture in world recovery.We believe that our partners in this effort will achieve the status of self-supporting nations once again.

In addition, we must carry out our plans for reducing the barriers to world trade and increasing its volume.Economic recovery and peace itself depend on increased world trade.

Third, we will strengthen freedom-loving nations against the dangers of aggreion.

We are now working out with a number of countries a joint agreement designed to strengthen the security of the North Atlantic area.Such an agreement would take the form of a collective defense arrangement within the terms of the United Nations Charter.

We have already established such a defense pact for the Western Hemisphere by the treaty of Rio de Janeiro.

The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free countries to resist armed attack from any quarter.Each country participating in these arrangements must contribute all it can to the common defense.

If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that any armed attack affecting our national security would be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might never occur.

I hope soon to send to the Senate a treaty respecting the North Atlantic security plan.

In addition, we will provide military advice and equipment to free nations which will cooperate with us in the maintenance of peace and security.

Fourth, we must embark on a bold new program for making the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progre available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas.

More than half the people of the world are living in conditions approaching misery.Their food is inadequate.They are victims of disease.Their economic life is primitive and stagnant.Their poverty is a handicap and a threat both to them and to more prosperous areas.

For the first time in history, humanity poees the knowledge and the skill to relieve the suffering of these people.

The United States is pre-eminent among nations in the development of industrial and scientific techniques.The material resources which we can afford to use for the aistance of other peoples are limited.But our imponderable resources in technical knowledge are constantly growing and are inexhaustible.

I believe that we should make available to peace-loving peoples the benefits of our store of technical knowledge in order to help them realize their aspirations for a better life.And, in cooperation with other nations, we should foster capital investment in areas needing development.

Our aim should be to help the free peoples of the world, through their own efforts, to produce more food, more clothing, more materials for housing, and more mechanical power to lighten their burdens.

We invite other countries to pool their technological resources in this undertaking.Their contributions will be warmly welcomed.This should be a cooperative enterprise in which all nations work together through the United Nations and its specialized agencies wherever practicable.It must be a worldwide effort for the achievement of peace, plenty, and freedom.

With the cooperation of busine, private capital, agriculture, and labor in this country, this program can greatly increase the industrial activity in other nations and can raise substantially their standards of

9 living.

Such new economic developments must be devised and controlled to benefit the peoples of the areas in which they are established.Guarantees to the investor must be balanced by guarantees in the interest of the people whose resources and whose labor go into these developments.

The old imperialism--exploitation for foreign profit--has no place in our plans.What we envisage is a program of development based on the concepts of democratic fair-dealing.

All countries, including our own, will greatly benefit from a constructive program for the better use of the world\'s human and natural resources.Experience shows that our commerce with other countries expands as they progre industrially and economically.

Greater production is the key to prosperity and peace.And the key to greater production is a wider and more vigorous application of modern scientific and technical knowledge.

Only by helping the least fortunate of its members to help themselves can the human family achieve the decent, satisfying life that is the right of all people.

Democracy alone can supply the vitalizing force to stir the peoples of the world into triumphant action, not only against their human oppreors, but also against their ancient enemies-- hunger, misery, and despair.

On the basis of these four major courses of action we hope to help create the conditions that will lead eventually to personal freedom and happine for all mankind.

If we are to be succeful in carrying out these policies, it is clear that we must have continued prosperity in this country and we must keep ourselves strong.

Slowly but surely we are weaving a world fabric of international security and growing prosperity.

We are aided by all who wish to live in freedom from fear--even by those who live today in fear under their own governments.

We are aided by all who want relief from the lies of propaganda-- who desire truth and sincerity.

We are aided by all who desire self-government and a voice in deciding their own affairs.

We are aided by all who long for economic security--for the security and abundance that men in free societies can enjoy.

We are aided by all who desire freedom of speech, freedom of religion, and freedom to live their own lives for useful ends.

Our allies are the millions who hunger and thirst after righteousne.

In due time, as our stability becomes manifest, as more and more nations come to know the benefits of democracy and to participate in growing abundance, I believe that those countries which now oppose us will abandon their delusions and join with the free nations of the world in a just settlement of international differences.

Events have brought our American democracy to new influence and new responsibilities.They will test our courage, our devotion to duty, and our concept of liberty.

But I say to all men, what we have achieved in liberty, we will surpa in greater liberty.

Steadfast in our faith in the Almighty, we will advance toward a world where man\'s freedom is secure.

To that end we will devote our strength, our resources, and our firmne of resolve.With God\'s help, the future of mankind will be aured in a world of justice, harmony, and peace.

11 四项主要的行动方针

哈里-杜鲁门就职演讲

星期四,1949年1月20日

我国历史上的各个时期都面临过特殊的挑战。我们现在面临的挑战和过去面临的任何挑战一样严重，今天不仅标志着一届新政府的起点，而且标志着一个新时期的开始。对我们来说，对整个世界来说，这个时期特是个多事之秋，也许还将是决定性的岁月。也许命运注定我们要去体验，或者在更大程度上是去促成人类漫长历史中的一个重大转折。本世纪上半叶的特点是，人权遭到史无前例的粗暴践踏，并经历了历史上最可怕的两场战争。我们这个时代最迫切的需要是学会和睦相处。

世界各国人民都怀着忐忑不安的心情面对着未来，他们既充满希望又满腹忧虑。在这疑虑的时刻，他们比以往任何时候更期待着合众国的善意、力量以及明智的领导。

因此，我们审时度势，利用这一时机向全世界宣布指导我们生活的信念的基本原则，向所有的民族宜布我们的目标。

在今后几年，我们的和平自由纲领将着重于四项主要的行动方针。

第一，我们将继续坚定不移地支持联合国及其有关机构，继续寻求各种方法来加强这些机构的权威和增加这些机构的效率。今天，不少新的国家正在成立，正在民主原则的指引下向自治方向迈进，我们相信，联合国将因这些新国家而得到加强。

第二，我们将继续执行我们制定的世界经济复兴计划。

这意味着我们必须首先全力支持欧洲复兴计划。对于世界复兴中这一重大事业的成功，我们充满了信心。我们相信，通过这项工作，我们的伙伴将再一次取得自给国家的地位。此外，我们还必须执行为减少世界贸易壁垒、增加世界贸易额而制定的计划。经济复兴与和平本身都取决于世界贸易的增加。

第三，我们要加强热爱自由的国家的力量，以抵御侵略的威胁。

我们和许多国家一起，正在为增加北大西洋地区的安全面起草一项共同协议。这种协议将根据联合国宪章的规定，采取集体防御协定的形式。

我们已经根据里约热内卢公约为西半球建立了这样一个防御同盟。

这些协议的主要目的是明确表示自由国家抵抗来自任何地方的武装进攻的共同决心。参加这些协议的每个国家必须为共同防御贡献出全部力量。

如果我们能预先充分地表明，任何影响到我们国家安全的武装进攻必将遭到强大的抵抗，那么武装进攻也许就永远不会发生。

我希望关于北大西洋安全计划的条约不久将呈送参议院。

此外，我们还将向在维护和平与安全时同我们进行合作的自由国家，提供军事顾问和军事装备。

第四，我们必须着手拟定一项大胆的新计划，使不发达地区的进步与发展能受益于我们的先进的科学和发达的工业。

全世界半数以上的人口正濒临悲惨的境地，他们食不果腹、疾患加身。他们的经济生活原始落后，滞缀不振。无论对于他们自己还是对于比较繁荣的地区来说，他们的贫困既是一种阻碍又是一种威胁。

人类有史以来第一次掌握了能解除这些人苦难的知识和技术。

合众国在工业和科学技术发展方面居各国之首。尽管我们用来援助其他国家人民的物质资源是有限的，但我们在技术知识方面的资源却是无法估量的，是不断增长和用之不竭的。

我认为，为了帮助各爱好和平民族实现他们对美好生活的愿望，我们应该使他们受惠于我们丰富的技术知识。同时，我们还应该和其他国家合作，支持对急待开发的地区进行投资。

我们的目标应该是帮助世界上各个自由民族通过他们自己的努力，生产更多的食物，更多的衣物，更多的建筑材料，以及更多的机器来减轻他们的负担。

我们吁请其他国象汇集他们的技术力量以进行这项工作。我们热烈欢迎他们作出贡献。这应该是一种合作事业，所有国家通过联合国及其专门机构在任何可行的方面为此共同工作。这必须是在世界范围内为实现和平、繁荣和自由而作出的努力。

在我国企业、私人资本、农业和劳工等方面的协作下，这一计划能够极大促进其他国家的工业活动，从实质上提高他们的生活水平。

这种新的经济发展必须加以规划和控制，从而使被开发地区的人民有所得益。在保证投资者利益的同时，必须兼顾人民的利益，因为在这些经济发展中倾注着人民的才智和劳动。

在我们的计划中，剥削他国利润的老牌帝国主义没有立足之地。我们拟定的是一个以民主的公平交易的概念为基础的发展规划。

所有国家，包括我国在内，将极大地受益于为更合理地使用世界上的人力资源和自然资源而制定的一项建设性计划。经验证明，我们同其他国家的贸易将随着这些国家在工业和经济上的发展而扩大。

提高生产是繁荣与和平的关键，而提高生产的关键是更广泛、更积极地运用现代科学技术知识。

人类大家庭只有通过帮助最不幸的成员自助，才能享受体面的、令人满意的生活，而所有人郁有权过上这样的生活。

只有民主政治才能产生生机勃勃的力量，以激励世界人民不仅为反抗人类的压迫者，而且压力反抗人类古老的敌人——饥饿、贫困、失望——而斗争。

根据这四项主要的行动方针，我们希望有助于创造各种条件，最终实现个人自由和全人类的幸福。

1933年美国总统罗斯福就职演说

First Inaugural Addre of Franklin D.Roosevelt

SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933

I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will addre them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me aert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself--namele, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankne and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is eential to victory.I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.

More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

Yet our distre comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind\'s goods have failed, through their own stubbornne and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happine lies not in the mere poeion of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.

Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of succe goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busine which too often has given to a sacred trust the likene of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredne of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation asks for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.

Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing lo through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it.We must act and act quickly.

Finally, in our progre toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people\'s money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

There are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congre in special seion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate aistance of the several States.

Through this program of action we addre ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and neceity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international

15 economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest aurance that the recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor--the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others-- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progre is made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes poible a leadership which aims at a larger good.This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I aume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is poible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lo of eential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced.It has met every stre of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congre may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But in the event that the Congre shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congre for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis--broad Executive power to

16 wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no le.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousne of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the aurance of a rounded and permanent national life.

We do not distrust the future of eential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the bleing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身

富兰克林-罗斯福第一次就职演讲

星期六,1933年3月4日

我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。

但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机——向非常情况开战的广泛的行政

18 权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。

对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

推荐第9篇：Inaugural Addre肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结

synecdoche / si\'nekdəki /：substituting a more inclusive term for a le inclusive one or vice versa

Inaugural Addre肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结

美国总统肯尼迪的就职演说辞沿袭古希腊，罗马的修辞及文风精心选用语言句式，注意音韵效果，字字句句经过刻意雕琢。

一、Alliteration是一种常见的反复类音韵修辞格,恰当使用Alliteration能赋予语言以音韵美和节奏美，起到演染气氛烘托感情加强语言表现力等效果, 如:

• Let the word go forth.....that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans.\"（para3）

• In order to aure the survival and the succe of liberty …

• Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.(para17)

• …both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom(para13)

二、Understatement

Understatement的修辞功能在肯尼迪这篇演说辞中\"首先体现在它是一种政界辞令\"整篇文章\"没有直截了当地对国际形势进行分析\" 更没有一处提到一个国家的名字或具体事例\"一切都隐晦委婉模糊不清\"例如

三、1.We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.(我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军事装备时我们才能真正有把握地确信永远不会使用武力)para12

一场规模空前的军备竞赛的动因被说成了We dare not tempt them with weakne.Understatement的运用变主动为被动变张牙舞爪为委曲求全

2.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.para6 (团结,将使我们在许多合作事业中无往而不胜,分裂,我们将一事无成)

三、parallelism(平行结构)

parallelism是将结构相同或相似，意义并重语气一致的语言成分、短语、句子乃至语段等并行排列的一种修辞手法，这种辞格可以使语言简洁明了，结构精致对称，声调铿锵有力、叙事生动逼真语意鲜明突出。

1、… not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.并不是因为共产党可能在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。（para8）

2、We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.(para3) 让我们的朋友和敌人都能听见我此时此地的话语，火炬已经传给新一代美国人，这一代人在本世纪诞生经受过战争的锻炼，得到过艰难痛苦的和平的磨炼，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪，他们不愿目睹或听任我国历来所承诺的今天仍在国内外所保证的人权遭到肆意践踏。

四、Repetition重复

Repetition是对某个词或语言成分进行重复，借以加强语气和感情是一种常见的英语冗余现象。这种现象起到加强语势，表达深刻的思想，增强语言节奏感的作用，能产生速度节奏音响色彩气氛等不同效应。

1、Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.让我们决不要由于害怕而谈判!但我们决不能害怕谈判。Para14

2、For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.（因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军事设备时!我们才能真正有把握确信永远不会使用武力）para12

四、Regreion 回环

这种辞格是语言美的一种表现形式，其语言美学特点是均衡中有变通变化中有整齐。常表现为前句的尾部成为后句的首部，后句的尾部成为前句的首部，在实际运用中此格式往往比较灵活多样不拒一格，可细分为换词回环（如例1）错综回环（如例2）减词回环依次回环和增词回环例如：

1、Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.让我们决不要由于害怕而谈判!但我们决不能害怕谈判。Para14

2、my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.Para25

六Climax(层进法)

这种辞格句型对称，采用由轻到重、由弱到强、由浅到深、由小到大、由低到高的语言格式&，这种手法清楚醒目，结构整齐，气势贯通，感染力强&，例如：

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us beg所有这一切不可能在100天内完成也不可能在1,000天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。Para20

七、Oxymoron(矛盾修辞法)

这种辞格事实上就是英语反义词的一种灵活运用，即把意义上互相对立互不协调的两个反义词置于一处构成词面矛盾在逻辑意义上不能并列，但实则可以深刻揭示事物之间的对立统一的内在联系，富含哲理、构思新颖能产生特殊的讽刺性修辞效果。

1、yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.但是，双方在争着去改变那些人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势.（para13）

推荐第10篇：美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说

John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS

FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice

President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and

Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

This much we pledge--and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.

Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those peoples in the huts and villages acro the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

1 /

5To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pro--to aist free men and free

governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to

strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental

self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to \"undo the heavy burdens ...and to let the oppreed go free.\"

2 / 5

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this

responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

肯尼迪就职典礼

时间：1961年1月20日地点：国会大厦

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利，而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束，也象征着一个开端；意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困，又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念，在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是：人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨，而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天，我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话：火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生，在战争中受过锻炼，在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶，他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪－－他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

3 /

5让每个国家都知道－－不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落－－为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利，我们将付出任何代价，承受任何负担，应付任何艰难，支持任何朋友，反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证－－而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致，就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜；我们如果分歧对立，就会一事无成－－因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家，我们格守我们的誓言：决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由－－而且要记住，在历史上，凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者，终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们，我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立，不管需要花多长时间－－之所以这样做，并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做，也不是因为我们需要他们的选票，而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证－－在争取进步的新同盟中，把我们善意的话变为善意的行动，帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是，这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道，我们将和他们在一起，反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道，本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国，主权国家的世界性议事机构，我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在，我们重申予以支持：防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所；加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护；扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后，对那些与我们作对的国家，我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证：在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量，把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前，让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

我们不敢以怯弱来引诱他们。因为只有当我们毫无疑问地拥有足够的军备，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用这些军备。

但是，这两个强大的国家集团都无法从目前所走的道路中得到安慰－－发展现代武器所需的费用使双方负担过重，致命的原子武器的不断扩散理所当然使双方忧心忡忡，但是，双方却争着改变那制止人类发动最后战争的不稳定的恐怖均势。

因此，让我们双方重新开始－－双方都要牢记，礼貌并不意味着怯弱，诚意永远有待于验证。让我们决不要由于畏惧而谈判。但我们决不能畏惧谈判。

让双方都来探讨使我们团结起来的问题，而不要操劳那些使我们分裂的问题。

让双方首次为军备检查和军备控制制订认真而又明确的提案，把毁灭他国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

让双方寻求利用科学的奇迹，而不是乞灵于科学造成的恐怖。让我们一起探索星球，征服沙漠，根除疾患，开发深海，并鼓励艺术和商业的发展。

4 /

5让双方团结起来，在全世界各个角落倾听以赛亚的训令－－“解下轭上的索，使被欺压的得自由。”（注：《圣经·旧约全书·以塞亚书》第58章6节。）

如果合作的滩头阵地能逼退猜忌的丛林，那么就让双方共同作一次新的努力；不是建立一种新的均势，而是创造一个新的法治世界，在这个世界中，强者公正，弱者安全、和平将得到维护。

所有这一切不可能在今后一百天内完成，也不可能在今后一千天或者在本届政府任期内完成，甚至也许不可能在我们居住在这个星球上的有生之年内完成。但是，让我们开始吧。公民们，我们方针的最终成败与其说掌握在我手中，不如说掌握在你们手中。自从合众国建立以来，每一代美国人都曾受到召唤去证明他们对国家的忠诚。响应召唤而献身的美国青年的坟墓遍及全球。

现在，号角已再次吹响－－不是召唤我们拿起武器，虽然我们需要武器；不是召唤我们去作战，虽然我们严阵以待。它召唤我们为迎接黎明而肩负起漫长斗争的重任，年复一年，从希望中得到欢乐，在磨难中保持耐性，对付人类共同的敌人－－专制、社团、疾病和战争本身。

为反对这些敌人，确保人类更为丰裕的生活，我们能够组成一个包括东西南北各方的全球大联盟吗？你们愿意参加这一历史性的努力吗？

在漫长的世界历史中，只有少数几代人在自由处于最危急的时刻被赋予保卫自由的责任。我不会推卸这一责任，我欢迎这一责任。我不相信我们中间有人想同其他人或其他时代的人交换位置。我们为这一努力所奉献的精力、信念和忠诚，将照亮我们的国家和所有为国效劳的人，而这火焰发出的光芒定能照亮全世界。

因此，美国同胞们，不要问国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。全世界的公民们，不要问美国将为你们做些什么，而要问我们共同能为人类的自由做些什么。

最后，不论你们是美国公民还是其他国家的公民，你们应要求我们献出我们同样要求于你们的高度力量和牺牲。问心无愧是我们唯一可靠的奖赏，历史是我们行动的最终裁判，让我们走向前去，引导我们所热爱的国家。我们祈求上帝的福佑和帮助，但我们知道，确切地说，上帝在尘世的工作必定是我们自己的工作。

5 / 5

第11篇：奥巴马与肯尼迪就职演说比较(英文)

The Comparison between Obama and Kennedy\'s Inaugural Speech

The president Obama is always compared with Kenedy, who ranks 35th in the list of American presidents.They indeed have something in common in different aspects, for example, their inaugurals.This article will focus on the languages and contents of inaugurals of president Obama and Kennedy.

Firstly, I will compare the rhetorical features of the languages of these two inaugurals.As we all know, a proper use of rhetoric will make an inaugurals more powerful and convinced, while a powerful and convinced inaugurals will inspire citizens and make it easier for government to get the support.So for all the presidents, rhetorical is very neceary.

When comparing the inaugurals of Obama and Kennedy, we can find that both of them have used same rhetorical.I will explain them one by one as follows:

Parallelism: parallelism is about consistency, and having all the parts in the same form.In a sentence, compound verbs or other words should be in the same form.In the inaugural of Obama, parallelism has been used for more than 40 times.For example: The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit, to choose our better history, to carry forward that precious gift.( para 9) The same thing happens in the inaugural of Kennedy.There are four phrases with the same structure\" let both sides...\" in Kennedy\'s speech.

Antithesis: Antithesis is the use of juxtaposition with two opposite characters or ideas in literature, it is used to place these opposing forces parallel to one another and to see the traits in each one.In Obama\'s speech, for example, \" where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.Where the answer is no, program will end.\" In Kennedy\'s speech, \"if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich\", \"the rich\" and \"the poor\" are also a pair of antithesis.

Metaphor: It refers to a comparison between unlike things without the use of \"like\" or \"as\".In the speech of Obama, we can find many metaphor, for example, \"Our journey has never been one of shortcuts or setting for le.\" we can also find a lot of metaphor in the speech of Kennedy.by using metaphor, author can show us a vivid image, and the article will become more attractive.

Secondly, I will compare the religious features from the view of languages of the two inaugurals.As we all know that religion is an indispensable part of western culture.So all the presidents like to delivery their speeches in the name of Gods.in Obama\'s speech, he said that \"the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happine\", and in the speech of Kennedy, religious also play an important part.\"let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his bleing and his help, but knowing that here on earth God\'s work must truly be our own.\"

The last part, I will briefly compare the two speeches in content aspect.I think both of the speech convey a same spirit.They both stre a fact that American is a united country, and every citizen should contribute their efforts to their motherland.\" Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.\" this is the most important sentence in Kennedy\'s inaugural.We can find same spirit in Obama\'s speech.\"What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.\" so in the content aspect, we can say that Obama inherit the spirit of Kenedy.

From the language and content of the inaugurals of Obama and Kenedy, we can find many common places, and we can say that they are both great speakers.

第12篇：美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说中英文

美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说中英文(全文) John F.Kennedy INAUGURAL ADDRESS FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961 Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at iue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.This much we pledge--and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly 1

supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up insidect.To those peoples in the huts and villages acro the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help thelves, for whatever period is required--not ause the Communists may be doing it, not ause we seek their votes, but ause it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for pro--to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot ome the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose agion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from oming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make thelves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two at and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.

So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. 2

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to \"undo the heavy burdens ...and to let the oppreed go free.\" And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days.Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.uUlsda E In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final succe or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, \"rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation\"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. 3

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His bleing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God\'s work must truly be our own.

第13篇：原声彻底模仿肯尼迪总统就职演说[定稿]

肯尼迪总统就职演说（节选）

Inaugural Adre In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility- I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

在世界的历史长河中，只有少数几代人被赋予了这种在遭遇最大危机的时刻保卫自由的角色。我绝不在这责任面前退缩；我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人或别人或别的世代交换地位。我们在这个奋斗过程中所献出的经历、信念与虔诚，将照亮我们的国家一级所有为国家服务的人，而从这一火焰闪耀出的光辉必能照亮全世界。

因此，同胞们：不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么，而要问你们能为国家做些什么。

全世界的公民：不要问美国会为你们做些什么，而应问我们在一起能为全人类的自由做些什么。

疯狂注释：

1.grant 同意；准予

7.faith 信任；信念 2.defend 防护；防卫

8.devotion 奉献；忠诚 3.maximum 最大程度的

9.endeavor 努力；尽力 4.shrink 退缩

10.light 照亮；使明亮 5.responsibility 责任；职责

11.glow 炽热；光辉 6.exchange 交换；调换

第14篇：肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域分析

摘要：肯尼迪一九六一年的就职演说被称作是二十世纪最令人难忘的两次美国总统就职演说之一，引起了国际上的广泛关注。然而当前对政论性演说的研究主要集中于文体学、修辞学领域，从系统功能语言学角度进行的研究显得相对匮乏。本文从语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析了被奉为政治演说词经典的肯尼迪《就职演说》中的语域，进而发掘了该演说词的语言特征，加深了对演说者演说意图的理解。文章不仅丰富了政治演说词已经取得的研究成果，而且验证了语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。

关键词：就职演说；语域特征；语域分析

一．引言

历届美国总统的就职演说的特点较其他形式的公开演说更为突出，表现在其时间的固定性（一月二十日）、地点的固定性（白宫）、演说者身份的固定性（当选为美国总统的人）、听众的固定性（美国民众和世界各国）、内容的相似性（施政纲领、国内国际形势等）。此类演说均是历任总统先生经过深思熟虑、字斟句酌的成果，因此往往成为学者和研究者们科学研究的语料。美国第35届总统约翰••菲茨杰拉德•肯尼迪于1961年1月20日发表的就职演说无论是在内容上还是形式上，均堪称政论性演说中的经典。对该就职演说的研究集中于文体学和修辞学领域，鲜有从语域角度进行的分析。本文将语域理论运用于对肯尼迪就职演说词的分析，从一个全新的角度探索政治演说词的特点，一方面可以丰富政治演说词已有的研究成果，另一方面可以验证语域理论用于演说词分析的有效性。

二．文献回顾

语域是语言学中的一个重要概念，它初是Reid在1956年研究双语现象时提出来的。英国籍波兰人类学家马林诺夫斯基（Malinowski）把语境分为三类：话语语境（context of utterance）、文化语境（context of culture）和情景语境（context of situation）。此后韩礼德等人将文化语境与情景语境的概念与语言系统相结合，并在其著作中进行阐释从而形成了语域理论。他将语域（register）定义为“语言的功能变体”（functional variety of language）,即因情景语境的变化和产生的语言变化形式。支配语域的情景因素包括三个部分：语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）。

国外对于语域的研究以系统功能语言学派主要人物韩礼德为代表，而人类学家马林诺夫斯基对于语域理论的发展研究也功不可没。以上研究者均对语域理论的形成和发展起到了极大的促进作用。随着系统功能语言学在国内的发展与盛行，对语域理论的应用研究也取得了一定的成果。最先把语域理论引进国内的学者是张德禄，其后，一些学者开始探讨语域理论在语言教学、语篇分析、翻译、诗歌、文体等领域的用途。张德禄分析了语域理论对于教学的意义，认为根据语域变异理论进行外语教学就是根据情景的变化决定语言的变异的教学法，强调意义决定形式这一基本语言学原理。陈丽江等认为语域理论对英语写作的语篇连贯有莫大帮助，在英语写作中我们不能一概而论，单纯教学生模仿或套用，或者教词汇和语法，改错句，而要把写作和语域分析结合起来。程晓堂认为从语场、语旨和语式三个方面分析英语诗歌的语义和语用特征，能够帮助我们深入领会诗歌的意义，挖掘诗歌的美学价值。屠克应用语域理论对书信体小说进行了文体分析，他认为在文体特征上的区别与语篇的语境是密切相关的。语境的变化将引起意义的变化，从而导致文体上的变化，也即语言的变化。其研究侧重词和句法层面，并引入语境和语言意义三个部分。

从以上相关理论可以看出，语域理论与语境是密不可分的，只要涉及语境因素的文本或话语，我们都可以尝试运用语域理论对其从各个角度加以分析讨论。

三．分析方法

约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪，一九六零年当选为美国第35任总统，成为美国历史上最年轻的当选总统，也是美国历史上唯一获得普利策奖的总统。由华盛顿开始了美国一种独具特色的传统，即每届新任总统就职前都要在盛大的典礼前发表就职演说，其场合非常庄严。肯尼迪的就职演说是美国总统演说中的典范，共计1355个单词的演说成为呼吁公民义务和激励型语言的典范，因此作者选取肯尼迪的就职演说作为分析文本。作者将在本部分阐明分析文本的来源并详细介绍所使用的分析方法。 3.1 语料的收集和筛选

本文收集的肯尼迪《就职演说》来自《现代大学英语》第六册第七课《Inaugural Addre》。《现代大学英语》是北京外国语大学英语系专家们根据当代语言教学的研究成果和多年教学经验，精心编写的供高等院校英语专业本科学生使用的教材。因此语料的来源是真是可靠的。 3.2 分析方法

系统功能语言学在二十世纪八十年代中期趋于成熟，语域理论是系统功能语法中重要的理论之一，指的是语言会随着情景的变化而变化。在Reid、马林诺夫斯基、弗斯之后，以韩礼德为代表的系统功能语法学家进一步把语言系统和社会文化联系起来，认为语篇与情景语境之间存在密切关系，因情景语境的变化而引起语言功能变体成为语域。韩礼德在他的《作为社会符号的语言》（Languages as Social Semiotic）一书中把语域看成是“通常和某一情景类型相联系的意义结构。”韩礼德一直把语域看做一个意义概念，是由语场（field）、语旨（tenor）和语式（mode）来支配的。其中，语场指的是语篇所涉及的社会活动，包括发生的事情、进行的社会活动的性质以及话语主题；语旨指参与者的身份以及他们之间的社会角色关系，如售货员与顾客之间等；语式指语言交际的渠道或媒介，包括修辞方式等，如是口头还是书面的亦或是介于两者之间。这三个要素决定着语言意义系统的三个组成部分：概念意义（ideational）、人际意义（interpersonal）和语篇意义（textual）。概念意义通常在句子的及物系统（transitivity）和单词的词汇意义以及各种语言结构等级上的逻辑关系中得到体现；人际意义通常在句子的语气（mode）和情态(modality)系统以及词汇的态度意义和语调系统上得到体现；语篇意义通常在句子的主位结构（thematic structure）、声调群中的信息结构（information）和句子以及比句子更大的单位间的接应（cohesion）上得到体现。语域理论作为语言学研究的一种重要方法被广泛地运用到相关各个领域。本文将从语域理论中语场、语旨、语式三个方面分析肯尼迪就职演说词，发掘演说的语言特征，加深对演说意图的理解，试图验证语域理论用于政治演说词分析的有效性。

四．就职演说中的语域分析

肯尼迪就职演说发表于第二次世界大战之后，资本主义和社会主义两大阵营正处于冷战阶段。美国作为资本主义世界最强大的国家公然以资本主义阵营的首领自居，展开了与社会主义国家的对抗。在这种历史背景下，肯尼迪在大选中获胜，宣誓就任美国第35任总统，并做就职演说。其情景语境的三个因素如下：（1）语场：肯尼迪在白宫就任美国总统所做的就职演说，解释自己的施政纲领，解释世界各国与其立场的同一性。（2）语旨：说服性，总统用正式的演说的方式试图说服美国民众、世界各国及其民众以获得支持，美国民众、世界各国及其民众选择支持或者反对。（3）语式：口头演说，语言用词正式，语法结构复杂，句子较长，逻辑清楚，修辞运用较多。 4.1 语场

从语场角度来看，总统就职演说必然带有很强的政治色彩，这一点在词汇上体现的尤明显，如party, power, state, tyranny, government, administration等都是和政治相关的词语。这是本篇就职演说的突出特点之一。在表明自己的施政纲领时，就职演说中表达态度的词汇和结构也很突出，如：

To those old allies whose culture and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.To those peoples in the huts and villages acro the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves.等分别表达了演说者希望联合一些“老的友好的邦交国”、善待刚刚独立的国家、救济本国贫困人口等的态度和和语气。 4.2 语旨

语旨成分是总统用正式的演说的方式试图说服美国民众、世界各国及其民众以获得支持，美国民众、世界各国及其民众选择支持或反对，总统与听众的社会距离大，这就决定了就职演说中正式词汇与结构出现的高频率，同时也决定了句子类型主要是陈述句和祈使句。因为总统在就职时必须陈述其施政纲领，许下诺言，并要求听众履行自己的义务。因此，在语言上，正式词和大词如solemn oath，prescribe, foe, abolish, heirs, temper等突出；由词类转换引起的正式体结构较多：（1）动词转名词：signifying renewal as well as orange.（2）形容词转名词：the generosity of the state.这些都表现了语篇的正式文体特点。

另外，句子的语气类型主要是陈述句和由let引导的祈使句。根据系统功能语法理论，陈述句主要用以提供信息；疑问句主要用以求取信息；祈使句主要用以交流物品和服务。就职演说过程中并无求取信息之意，句子多属于陈述句，表示本语篇的主要功能是提供信息的。由let引导的祈使句具有“让我们一起做某事”的意义。由于这种要求是针对将来的，所以它实际上是一种愿望（如Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.）和决心（Let the world go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans.）此外，就职演说中句子的主语有些可以用I来担当，但是演说者却主要由we来承担（let祈使句隐含的主语也基本上都是we）,如We dare not forget that we are the heirs of that first revolution.“we”在此指肯尼迪与整个美国公民。主语多为 “we”有两个作用：强调讲话者与听话者双方有共同的利益或义务，达到拉近双方距离的目的；表示说话者提出的目标或任务需要美国人共同来完成。

除此之外，肯尼迪对情态成分的选择可谓颇具匠心：（1）表达高值义务用dare not和cannot而不用should not或ought not to来强调客观因素或敌方的威胁的作用从而把对抗的责任推卸给敌方。（2）must一词表示高值义务，译为“不得不”做某事。如第27段中，must即表示他“愿为上帝尽职尽责”的 “意愿”，又表达了他“把为上帝尽职作为其义务”的“虔诚”。（3）几处表示能力的“can”大都有要求美国公民尽职的含义。例如：And so my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country.(4)表达“意愿”的shall(not),用以表示讲话者许诺和决心；而would则用以表示敌对国家“自愿”成为其敌对国从而把敌对的的责任推给敌方，为自己的“不光彩”行为，即鼓吹壮大军事力量，找到了借口。 4.3 语式

从语式方面开看，语篇意义通常在句子的主位结构、声调群中的信息结构和句子以及比句子更大的单位间的接应上得到体现。主位（theme）表示话题，主要由we, let, I和状语成分担当。本语篇主要以we和I做主位说明此语篇主要讲的是we（Americans）和I(Kennedy)的情况。以let为主位说明语篇讲的是“将来要做某事”的许诺和我“希望别人做某事”的要求或愿望。以状语为主位是为了取得某种特殊效果。这种主位称为有标记主位（marked theme）。

此外，文中修辞运用较多。对偶、排比和反复都具有结构基本相同，而意义从某个侧面或某个抽象层上相似的特点。具有相当强的突出效应；从情感上讲，这些结构都具有激发情感的功能。为了煽动听者情绪，全篇遍布排比与对偶结构。以第4段和第6段为例: “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.”；“United, there is little we cannot do in a host of co-operative ventures.Divided, there is little we can do.”另外，还有重要词和词组的反复，如15至18段的开头都是“let both sides„”、用以强调美国和前苏联两大国利益的共同点，表达和平的重要性。此外，隐喻，如“„those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside”；“And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house”具有形象、生动、表达力强的功用，给人印象深刻。

五．结语

综上所述，对肯尼迪《就职演说》中语域的分析，我们可以得出该篇政治性演说词有如下特点：对语场的分析得出语篇中政治和表态度的词汇和结构突出；对语旨的分析表明正式词汇和正式体结构突出，句子的语气类型主要是陈述句和由let引导的祈使句，主语主要由we担当，情态成分使用高值义务的情态动词；对语式的分析发现主位主要由we, I和状语成分担当，对偶、排比和反复结构遍布全篇，适当运用隐喻修辞手法。本篇演说之所以被奉为政治演说词中经典之作，正是由于演说者在措辞、结构、修辞和文体上对语篇进行精心锤炼的结果。本文通过分析肯尼迪就职演说的语域总结出了其语言特点，同时验证了语域理论在演说词分析中的有效性。如韩礼德所说：“语域理论既很简单，又很有效力。它说明我们所说或所写的语言将根据语境的变化而变化。”以后的研究可以从以下两方面进行：加强对语域理论的研究，增强其影响力，为系统功能语言学添砖加瓦；把语域分析运用到跨文化交际、语义学、语用学等更广泛的领域中去。

参考文献：

[1]Halliday, M.A.K.An Introduction to Functional Grammar [M].London: Edward Arnold, 1985 [2]Ghadey, H.Register Analysis Theory & Practice [M].London: N.Y.Printer Publishers, 1993 [3]Ure,J&F.Ellis.Register in Descriptive Linguistics and Linguistic Sociology [M].London: Longman, 1977 [4]胡壮麟、朱永生等，《系统功能语言学概论》[M].北京：北京大学出版社，2005 [5]秦秀白.《文体学概论》[M].长沙：湖南教育出版社，1986 [6]张德禄，语域理论简介[J].《现代汉语》，1987（4）.

第15篇：变革与传承——奥巴马与肯尼迪就职演说评析

2009年第8期

边疆经济与文化 №8．2009

(总第68期)THEBORDER ECONOMY AND CULTURE General．No．65

娄革写倦承

——奥巴马与肯尼迪就职演说评析

声雨华

(攀枝花学院外国语学院，四川攀枝花617000)

摘要：美国新任总统奥已马与前总统肯尼迪之间在诸多方面有着极为相似的地方，尤其是他们的就职演说背景、演说内容以及演说策略中所采用的修辞格。分析两住总统的就职演说背景、演说内容和演说中所采取的策略。分析美国在其国内和世界范围内所采取的政策中的变革与传承关系，可以提高人们对美国文化的认识。

关键词：就职演说；肯尼迪；奥巴马；变革与传承

中图分类号：D815 文献标志码：A 文章编号：1672-5409(2009)08-0058-02

从1789年美国第一任总统华盛顿就职以来，美国历届新任总统在就职典礼上发表演说已经成为惯例。作为一种政治演讲，总统就职演说可以展现总统个人的风采和执政理念。本文将通过对比肯尼迪与奥巴马就职演说的背景、内容以及演说策略中修辞格的运用，来评析两位总统就职演说所承载的美国政治与文化的传承与变革。

一、演说背景

奥巴马在竞选总统中得到了肯尼迪家族的支持，被视为是可以继承肯尼迪政治遗产的“ 年轻人” 。巧合的是，奥巴马生于肯尼迪就任总统的 1961年。奥巴马与肯尼迪确有几分相似，两人的祖辈都具有移民背景：肯尼迪的祖父移民自爱尔兰，而奥巴马的父亲来自于非洲肯尼亚。他们的父辈都曾经历初到美国时的不公正待遇，激发了他们努力奋斗的决心和意志。两人都毕业于哈佛大学，都是参议员出身，都因在民主党全国代表大会上的精彩发言而一夜走红。\"tlZ都写过畅销书：肯尼迪在 1956年出版的《勇敢者的画像》，被译成了几十种文字，并为他赢得了普利策传记文学奖；时隔50 年后全面阐述奥巴马政治理念和政策主张的《无畏的希望：重申美国梦》，也为民主党和他本人赢得了广大选民。

1961年1月21日肯尼迪就任总统时，美国国内正处于战后第四次经济危机，民权运动高涨；国际上，苏联的咄咄逼人、西欧和日本的迅速发展、亚非拉的崛起，都使美国的全球扩张受挫。于是，肯尼迪在大选中就提出了“ 新边疆” 的口号，倡导在科学技术、经济发展、战争与和平等各个领域开拓新天地；加上他年轻气盛、身世显赫，美国人纷纷投票支持他。而奥巴马在竞选中以“ 变革” 为主题，强调结束伊拉克战争、实现能源自给、停

收稿日期：2009-04-02

止减税政策和普及医疗保险等，并承诺实现党派团结、在国际上重建同盟关系、恢复美国领导地位。奥巴马就职演说的主题和目的，就是唤醒人民的信心、决心以及对国家的责任感，共同渡过美国现在面临的经济危机难关。

美国第35任总统肯尼迪和第44任总统奥巴马都是

美国历史上较为年轻的当选总统。他们都有着法学

的教育背景，擅长公共演讲；他们借助当时的科技媒体发表就职演说，影响范围都达到了空前的程度。当年，肯尼迪之所以能够战胜尼克松，在很大程度上归功于广播电视的力量，而今奥巴马战胜麦凯恩，则得益于网络媒体的发展对美国人产生很大的感召力，从而获得广大选民的支持。

二、演说内容

在演说中，两位总统都提到先辈的忍辱负重，追求自由平等和独立。用先辈的经历说话，既表明了该政府建立在各届政府执政理念基础上的合法性和形象，也是政治上的煽情，起到了更大的鼓舞作用。

美国人有着浓重的领袖情结，即使面临巨大的危机，美国人依然看重世界的领袖地位。肯尼迪号召“ 建立一个把东西南北联在一起的伟大的全球联盟来对付这些敌人，以确保人类享有更为富有成效的生活” ；而奥巴马在演讲中说，“ 对于每个追求和平和自尊的国家和个人而言，美国都是朋友，我们愿意再次领导大家踏上追寻之旅。” 力主在维护美国霸主地位的同时，使世界格局发生～些变化。

两位总统都欲平衡社会各个阶层的力量。在为富人阶层谋利益的同时，针对中下层民众减税，加大公共开支，加强医疗保障，加大教育投入等。肯尼迪相信，如果什么事物有足够的力量去感动人民，并且在历史上留下痕迹，就可以离人民的心更近一些。而奥巴马在演说中强调“ 偏袒富人的国家无法长久” ，与肯尼迪的“ 一个自由社会如若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就无法保全少数的富人”，具有相同的含义。

肯尼迪通过较为特殊的结构聚焦“ 自由” (1iberty)这一全体国民乃至整个世界都熟知和关注的话题，表达了确保自由的存在和自由胜利的勇气和决心。作为典型的美国总统就职演说，整体上还是借助了欧美人共同的宗教信仰和生活习俗，特别是民主自由、美国理想等途径来传达其一般会话含义。而在本质上，联系着奥巴马与肯尼迪的，是他们那种开创未来的历史感。

三、演说策略

两位总统在演说中都采用了第一人称的复数使用。一方面，这样的演说使听众感到亲切，容易赢得支持；另一方面，可以唤起一种团体意识，使演说具有很强的煽动性。为了使就职演说充分体现它所负载的美国历史与文化含义，给听众留下深刻印象，他们主要采用了以下几种修辞手段。

1．排比parallelism。排比是指用结构相似、语气一致、关系并列的一组语句，接连表达几个相

关意思的一种修辞方式。运用排比演讲，可使演讲产生感人肺腑、振奋人心的威力；可使演讲的气势如同磅礴的江水，汹涌向前；可使人感情奔放四溢、豪情万丈。肯尼迪的演讲中在如何处理“ 两大强大阵营” 的关系问题上，运用了结构相同的四个短语“ 让双方⋯ ⋯ ” 表示强调和层层深入。通过排比，既使得他对这些团体的承诺划分出层次，也与对敌对国家的要求显示出差异，展示其政策的区别性和思维的严密性。奥巴马在缅怀先辈时接连用了三个“ 为了我们⋯ ⋯ 忍辱负重，辛勤耕作，乃至征战、牺牲⋯ ⋯ ” 排比句的使用可谓是别具匠心，使整篇文章布局合理，层次分明，加强语气。这种结构方法是极讲究的，既能全面深刻地表达主旨，体现出层次和分寸，又能使演讲从整体上产生朗朗的节奏、激越的韵律和明快向上的气势。

2．反复repetition。反复是指通过重复同一单词、词组或语句使人加深印象，重复部分往往含有强烈的情感或优美的节奏。演讲中相同的语言形式反复地使用叫“ 重复” 。演讲中为加强印象、突出主题及展现情感等，经常运用相同语言形式的 “ 重复艺术” ，不断对重要词语进行重复。如：肯尼迪的就职演说中针对不同的对象运用了“ To 参考文献：

卢丙华：变革与传承— — 奥巴马与青尼迪就职演说评析

those⋯ ⋯ (对那些⋯ ⋯ )” ；奥巴马在讲到面临的挑战时，连续三个段落的开头都用了“ Today(今天)⋯ ⋯ ” 3．头韵alliteration。头韵是英国文学作品中使用相当广泛的一种语音修辞手法。这种押韵的技巧在肯尼迪的演说中也有所体现，读起来朗朗上口、音韵优美。如：“ friend andfoe” (朋友和敌人)在肯尼迪和奥巴马的演说中均有出现。 “ foe(敌人)” 是“ enemy(敌人)” 的较为文雅或古老的形式，一般来说，人们会使用“ enemy” 。在这里使用“ foe” 是为了和“ friend” 重复辅音[f]，增强了节奏感、感染力和演讲的气势。

4．对照antithesis。对照是运用在意义或感情上对立的词，以形成鲜明的对比或对照。对照不同于比喻，它把两个概念对比，不是指出其相似点，而是指出其差

异。使用X,-J\"照法来增强语势和使演说更为生动形

象。如：肯尼迪的演说中，“ 如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的大多数，那么它也不能拯救富有的少数人” 的“ the many(多数)” 和 “the few(少数)” 与“ therich(富人)” 和“ the poor(穷

增强了演说的美感和表现力。如肯尼迪的演说中把“ 美洲” 比作“ 家园” ，把不容许别国干涉美洲的事务，形象地说成“ 仍然想做自己家园的主人” 。而奥巴马在演说中将美国所面临的世界经济危机和国际形势比喻成“ 严峻的寒冬” 和“ 可能会发生的风暴” 。比喻形象、贴切、有力，既简练、含蓄，又寓意深长。

此外，肯尼迪与奥巴马在就职演说中还引用了《圣经》中的话语，使演讲表达准确、富有感染力。又引用了一些名人先贤的话，或采撷一些警句、成语、谚语和典籍中的话，使演讲生色增辉。把奥巴马与前总统肯尼迪的就职演讲进行比较，从很多角度和不同程度上可以说，奥巴马是肯尼迪的传承者。人)” 。这和奥巴马演说中“ 你们不可能拖垮我们，我们定将战胜你们” 的“ you(你们)” 和“ we(我们)” 与“ outlast(拖垮)” 和“ defeat (战胜)” ，在两个分句中交错使用，使句子整体上达到一种平衡。表现出他们期望在历史与现实的衔接时刻，唤起民众的信心、力量和献身精神，以牢牢地抓住听众的心。

5．隐喻metaphor。隐喻又称“ 暗喻” ，它直接把被比喻物说成比喻物，是明喻的隐含形式。在肯尼迪和奥巴马的就职演说中，大量隐喻的使用让听众意会，从而[1]李志坤，刘宗强．肯尼迪就职演说词的语用含义探究[J]．三峡大学学报：人文社会科学版，2008(4)． [2]任泽湘．约翰· 肯尼迪就职演说辞格探析[J]．郧阳师范高等专科学校学报，2006，26(3)． [3]李天道．外国演讲辞名篇快读[M]．成都：四川文艺出版社，2004． [4]方梦之，张顺梅，等．译学辞典[M]．上海：上海外语教育出版社，2003．

[5]张汉熙，王立礼．高级英语：修订本第二册[M]．北京：外语教学与研究出版社，1995． [6]武传涛．著名演讲辞鉴赏[M]．济南：山东人民出版社，1996． [7]谢祖钧．英语修辞[M]．北京：机械工业出版社，1988．

【贡任编辑：杨临颍】

BIANJIANGJINGJIYUWENHUA回万方数据

变革与传承——奥巴马与肯尼迪就职演说评析

作者：作者单位：刊名：英文刊名：年，卷(期)：卢丙华

攀枝花学院外国语学院,四川,攀枝花,617000 边疆经济与文化

THE BORDER ECONOMY AND CULTURE 2009(8)

参考文献(7条)

1.李志坤;刘宗强肯尼迪就职演说词的语用含义探究[期刊论文]-三峡大学学报(人文社会科学版) 2008(04) 2.任泽湘约翰@肯尼迪就职演说辞格探析 2006(03) 3.李天道外国演讲辞名篇快读 2004 4.方梦之;张顺梅译学辞典 2003 5.张汉熙;王立礼高级英语 1995 6.武传涛著名演讲辞鉴赏 1996 7.谢祖钧英语修辞 1988

本文读者也读过(10条)

1.李志坤.刘宗强肯尼迪就职演说词的语用含义探究[期刊论文]-三峡大学学报（人文社会科学版）2008,30(4) 2.谢萍.康旭平.XIE Ping.KANG Xuping 肯尼迪《就职演说》文体赏析[期刊论文]-井冈山大学学报（社会科学版）2009,30(6)

3.任泽湘.REN Ze-xiang 约翰·肯尼迪就职演说辞格探析[期刊论文]-郧阳师范高等专科学校学报2006,26(3) 4.尹博慧.赵安源.梁颖萍.YIN Bo-hui.ZHAO An-yuan.LIANG Ying-ping 论肯尼迪总统就职演说辞中的象似性特征 [期刊论文]-太原理工大学学报（社会科学版）2010,28(1)

5.陈千秋.Chen Qianqiu 从批评性话语的角度分析肯尼迪总统的就职演讲[期刊论文]-语文学刊(外语教育教学) 2010(8)

6.陈冬梅.辛柯.CHEN Dong-mei.XIN Ke 从就职演说探讨演说词的修辞风格[期刊论文]-西北工业大学学报(社会科学版)2006,26(3)

7.畅元元肯尼迪就职演说词的修辞特点[期刊论文]-安徽文学（下半月）2009(9) 8.陶丽丽约翰·F·肯尼迪\"就职演说\"的人际功能分析[期刊论文]-考试周刊2008(38)

9.黄缅约翰·肯尼迪总统就职演说的语言艺术特色[期刊论文]-重庆邮电学院学报(社会科学版)2004(z1) 10.何海珍.He Haizhen 析约翰·肯尼迪就职演说的文体特征[期刊论文]-语文学刊(外语教育教学)2010(4)

本文链接：http://d.g.wanfangdata.com.cn/Periodical_bjjjywh200908027.aspx

第16篇：肯尼迪

成功之道

—《现代政治之父——约翰·肯尼迪》观后感

提到肯尼迪，我想大家一定先想到这位优秀总统的悲惨命运。是的，上帝对他是那么残忍，让他在自己人生最巅峰的时候便撒手人寰。在感慨肯尼迪总统的悲剧时，并不是每个人都真正了解肯尼迪。在上周的毛概课上，老师为我们播放了一部BBC的纪录片—《现代政治之父——约翰·肯尼迪》。纵观肯尼迪的竞选之路，其中有许多地方值得我们细细玩味，那便是肯尼迪的成功之道。

本片探讨了约翰·肯尼迪总统对现代政治深远影响。他成为美国历史上最年轻的总统，也是第一位信奉天主教的总统。至今，肯尼迪普遍被美国民众视为美国历史上最杰出的总统之一，他同时位列“美国十大文化偶像”之首。但是，想当初肯尼迪在竞选总统前，有许多不利的因素阻碍着肯尼迪的总统之路。如他同最强劲的竞争对手尼克松相比年龄小，经验不足，又如他的宗教信仰，在基督教盛行的美国，天主教或多或少会受到排挤。在诸多不利因素面前，肯尼迪能最终成功当选总统，这与诸多因素有关。下面我们就一一分析一下肯尼迪的成功之道。

一、显赫的家室雄厚的资本

细数美国的历届总统，我们不难发现不少竞选成功者有着显赫的家室或很高的社会地位，肯尼迪就是其中一员。他的父亲约瑟夫·帕特里克·肯尼迪是一位成功的商人，但对参与地方政治始终有着强烈的兴趣。肯尼迪家族有一个长久怀有的梦想：总统之梦，这个家族中一定要有人成为美国的总统。约瑟夫有一次在教堂里祈祷时就暗暗发誓：我已登上了财富的最高峰，我要让儿子登上权力的最高峰。在父亲的心目中，四个儿子中最有资格成为总统的是大儿子小约瑟夫，但当其遭遇空难后，家中的希望更多地寄托在二儿子约翰·肯尼迪身上。父亲雄厚的经济力量和广阔的人脉关系使约翰·肯尼迪早年获得了普林斯顿、哈佛、和斯坦福大学学习国际关系等与政治相关的课程的机会。他曾两度到欧洲访问探询罗斯福政府新政下的美国的发展和欧洲的发展的情况、纳粹德国与法西斯意大利是否使人们担忧会再次爆发欧洲战争等问题。当到他娶了波士顿市长的女儿杰奎琳·奥纳西斯，便开始进入当地政治的核心圈子。1960年的美国总统大选在肯尼迪和尼克松两人中展开。出身寒微的尼克松素来不被媒体喜欢，而肯尼迪家族却能熟练的操纵公共关系，结果也就可想而知了。

二、充分利用媒体塑造自己形象

入主白宫的肯尼迪以阳光、健康、时尚、博学、充满朝气与活力的个人形象，与老迈的前总统艾森豪威尔形成了鲜明的对比。肯尼迪夫妇温馨的第一家庭更是征服了无数世人的心。但事实上，这都是肯尼迪家族对外精心营造的公关形象。肯尼迪长期体弱多病（最终被诊断为艾迪森综合征），许多年来，肯尼迪阵营对他的身体状况撒过许多谎，一直在精心地误导媒体。当有人问及他的身体是否有病时，他坚决说“No”！试想如果肯尼迪不懂得塑造良好的自我形象，将自己的身体情况公之于众，那么他很有可能将失去总统的竞争力。

肯尼迪的这届总统大选第一次增加了电视辩论的环节，这是向全美公民展示自己的绝佳机会。显然，肯尼迪比自己的竞争对手尼克松更胜一筹，他充分利用电视这一媒体，展示了自己良好的形象。当时尼克松刚动过膝盖手术，脸色苍白，

身体消瘦，还发着烧；肯尼迪则刚刚参加完加州竞选活动，肤色黝黑，活力四射。

上台前两人都没有请专业化妆师化妆，但肯尼迪的助手帮他简单地“润了润色”，

尼克松则随便抹了点男用粉底霜，结果在电视上显得脸色更加苍白。如果你在广

播中收听这场辩论，你会认为两个人旗鼓相当，不分高下。但电视观众们看到的

却是另一番情景：一脸憔悴的尼克松PK阳光活力的肯尼迪。对比如此鲜明，观

看直播的6500万美国人几乎立刻就能决定要把选票投给谁。虽然此后两人又进

行了三场电视辩论，但已经无关紧要了。这也反映出肯尼迪的过人之处。

三、个人魅力演讲实力

毫无疑问，肯尼迪具有杰出的演讲能力。

“Ask not what your country can do for you ,but ask what you can do for your countr

y”这是美国总统历次就职演说中最脍炙人口的语句之一。这句话正出自于肯尼

迪，谁也无法否认肯尼迪是一个极有个人魅力的人，他有坚定的信念、顽强的精

神、英俊的外表、极具说服力的个人演讲等多方面的才华。加之铺天盖地的正面

宣传，怎能让美国民众不对他起好感呢？

肯尼迪认为提前释放马丁·路德·金可以为他带来一些额外的来自于黑人的

支持。肯尼迪还大力气解决美国的民族矛盾。那年代，黑人的权益就像空头支票，

而肯尼迪带给了他们承诺和希望。

肯尼迪从当选之后就开始考虑就职演说，他不想在演说中偏激地指责当前事

务，也不喜欢重新阐述有关于冷战的陈词滥调、论述一些有可能加剧美苏紧张关

系的有关共产主义威胁的问题。他希望用词可以激起和平的希望，确定一个新时

代的乐观基调，极大的引起民众的共鸣。

以上三点只是肯尼迪能够成功担任总统的部分原因，但我可以断言，缺少其

中任何一点，肯尼迪都很难在高手如云的美国政坛脱颖而出。

现在，肯尼迪已近离开了50年，今人对于他的评价褒贬不一。有人说现代

政治之父他开创了炒作和噱头并行，金钱和大棒同使，表演和煽动兼顾，阴谋和

诡计见惯的现代竞选模式——这正是人民民主所需要迎合大众的假象。也有人认

为这是时代的需要，是顺应了人类科学文明进的体现，他留下了一个时代的榜样

作用。但不管怎么说，纵观肯尼迪的总统竞选之路，还是有许多我们可以借鉴的。

现实生活中的一般人或许不具有肯尼迪得天独厚的家族力量供自己去进行

一场类似于总统竞选的博弈，但是身处竞争社会中的我们可以从他身上学到一些

东西，比如说如何推销自己，展现自己独特的魅力；如何保持自信，树立良好的

自我形象。这也是我从肯尼迪身上学到的成功之道。

第17篇：肯尼迪总统就职演说全文英加中发给学生（版）

Inaugural Addre of John F.Kennedy（肯尼迪总统第一次就职演说）January 20, 196

1Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage -- and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

This much we pledge -- and more.

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds,1

in a new alliance for progre, to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.

And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace -- before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

Let us never negotiate out of fear.But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to \"undo the heavy burdens...

[and] let the oppreed go free.\"

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final succe or failure of our course.Since this

country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

世界已然今非昔比，因为人类手中已经掌握了巨大的力量，既可以用来消除各种形式的贫困，亦可用以毁灭人类社会。然而，我们先辈曾为之战斗的那些革命性的信念还依然在世界上受人争议——那就是，每个人享有的各项权利决非来自国家政权的慷慨赐予，而是出自上帝之手。

让每一个国家都知道，无论它们对我们抱有善意还是恶意，我们都准备付出任何代价、承受任何重任、迎战任何艰险、支持任何朋友、反对任何敌人，以使自由得以维系和胜利。

这是我们矢志不移的承诺，且远不止此！

对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友，我们许以朋友的忠诚。在许许多多的合作事业中，我们会尽己所能以促进我们的团结，而决不故意制造分裂，因为我们不敢轻易面对由分歧或体系崩溃而导致的巨大挑战。

对于那些新成立的国家，我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营，并在此许以忠告：某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。我们不会期待他们始终支持我们的观点，但我们希望他们能始终坚定地维护他们自己的自由——并且牢记，在过去，那些愚蠢地骑上独～裁的虎背以谋求权力的人最终都以葬身虎腹而告终。

如果一个自由的社会不能帮助贫穷的多数，它就不能拯救那富裕的少数。

对于我们的南部邻邦共和国，我们许以特殊的承诺：将我们的良言转为善行，在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里，帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。但这一希翼中的和平革命不能成为敌对势力的牺牲品，让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们一道，反对发生在美洲任何地区的侵略和颠覆。

让所有其他势力都知道，这一半球的人民致力于维护他们作为自己家园主人的地位。

对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国，我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛，为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域，我们现在重申对它的支持承诺。

最后，对于那些主动站到我们敌对面的国家，我们提出的不是许诺，而是恳求：在被科学释放出的、黑暗的破坏力量以有计划的或偶然性的自我毁灭方式吞噬全人类之前，恳求双方再一次地开始谋求和平的努力。

让我们永远不要因为惧怕而谈判，让我们永远不要惧怕谈判。

让双方探寻那些能将我们团结在一起的因素，而不是那些刻意挑出那些分裂我们的因素。

让双方首先提出认真细致的方案来核查及控制军备，并将毁灭其他国家的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对

控制之下。

让双方努力去激发科学的奇迹，而非科学的恐怖。让我们一同探索星空、征服沙漠、消除疾病、开发海洋深处，鼓励艺术和商业。

让双方在世界每一个角落，都共同信守《圣经．以赛亚书》中的教诲——“卸下重负……让被压迫者自由。” 如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑，让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡，而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义，弱者安全，和平维系。

现在，召唤的号角又一次吹响——不是号召我们扛起武器，虽然武器是我们所需要的——也不是号召我们去参加战斗，虽然我们准备战斗——而是号召我们年复一年地去进行一场漫长而未分胜负的搏斗，在希望中欢乐，而患难中忍耐，以反对人类共同的敌人：暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身。

所以，我的美国同胞们，不要问你的国家为你做了什么，而应问你能为你的国家做些什么。

我的世界同胞们，不要问美国将为你做些什么，而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么。最后，无论是美国公民还是世界其他国家的公民，请用我们要求于你们的关于力量和牺牲的高标准来要求我们，本着我们唯一可以指望有所回报的善意良知，依着能最终裁决我们功业的历史，让我们着手领导我们所热爱的国家，在祈求神的赐福和神的帮助的同时，也能深切体认，在这片土地上，神的工作必定也是我们自己所应承担的使命。

题外话：肯尼迪是美国至今为止唯一的一位信仰天主教的总统。史学家普遍认为此篇演说绝大部分为代笔，总统本人不过只字片语。But anyway，good job！

第18篇：关于肯尼迪

The Major Contributions of John F.Kennedy

Dealing with arms and the U.S.S.R.

Unlike Truman and Eisenhower, Kennedy believed that it was poible to bargain and compromise with the Soviet Union, and that the two superpowers could coexist peacefully.Because Nikita Khrushchev, the Soviet premier, had been liberalizing Soviet society and had abandoned Stalinism, Kennedy thought that he could deal with him.

Kennedy wanted to stop the arms race rather than build more weapons.He proposed meeting with Khrushchev to discu arms control and even disarmament — the destruction of nuclear weapons.

Kennedy was disappointed.The Soviet Union saw Kennedy\'s offer to negotiate as a sign of weakne.Instead of reaching out to the United States and its new leader, The Soviet Union started to behave aggreively in Europe (Berlin) and Latin America (Cuba).The Soviet Union miscalculated.Kennedy\'s response was: \"Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to aure the survival and succe of liberty.\"

By 1962, Kennedy had returned to the policies of his predeceors — working to stop Soviet aggreion and contain the Soviet Union\'s sphere of influence.

The only tangible benefit of Kennedy\'s efforts was the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty signed in 1963.It outlawed testing nuclear weapons in the atmosphere.After signing the treaty, Kennedy said, \"Today the fear is a little le and the hope a little greater.For the first time we have been able to reach an agreement which can limit the dangers of this nuclear age.\"

Helping the Third World: Creating the Peace Corps

Kennedy believed that it was the obligation of the United States not only to help the Third World economically but also to spread democracy to its countries.

To further that miion, Kennedy created the Peace Corps in 1961 to send U.S.volunteers to the people living in third-world countries.Thousands of U.S.citizens went abroad to help build roads and hospitals, and to help educate citizens around the world.

The Cuban Miile Crisis

The Cuban Miile Crisis was the defining moment for the Kennedy administration.On October 16, 1962, U.S.intelligence found out that the Soviets were building miile sites in Cuba.The U.S.Air Force wanted to take out the sites, and many in the military called for an invasion of Cuba.Kennedy was afraid that an invasion would lead to a world war, so he set up a blockade of Cuba instead.

Kennedy vowed that Soviet ships headed for Cuba carrying miile parts would not be allowed through the blockade.In addition, he demanded that the Soviets remove their bases and all Soviet weaponry from Cuba.

At the last moment, the Soviets backed down and recalled their ships.The Soviet Union subsequently agreed to remove the miiles and their bases from Cuba, and the United States pledged not to invade the island.World War III had been narrowly

avoided.Soviet Premier Khrushchev lost his job over the debacle.

Building a wall in Berlin

The Potsdam Conference, organized after World War II, divided the German capital of Berlin into four zones — one for each victorious ally.By the 1950s, the three Western allies had created West Berlin, while the Soviet Union had set up East Berlin.During most of the 1950s, hundreds of thousands of East Germans, unhappy with their communist government, fled to the West, croing over in Berlin because it was the easiest place to leave the country.

By the early 1960s, the number of people fleeing to West Germany had created a problem for the East German government.The country\'s best educated and most skilled citizens were leaving.East Germany faced a brain drain and a shortage of skilled laborers.

In August 1961, the Soviet Union and the communist East German government built a wall to close off East Berlin from the West and prevent the flow of people fleeing the country.Border guards had instructions to shoot to kill anyone who attempted to leave East Germany.

Initially, the Western powers didn\'t react to the building of the wall — a move that shocked Germans.The Kennedy administration publicly condemned the building of the wall but did nothing more.At the time, Kennedy still believed that he could establish cordial relations with the Soviet Union and didn\'t want to compromise his foreign policy over Berlin.

Kennedy\'s outlook changed after the Cuban Miile Crisis.Thereafter, Kennedy adopted a policy of containment toward the Soviet Union.He traveled to West Berlin in June 1963 to show his support for the people there and to demonstrate that the United States would pursue a hard-line anti-communist foreign policy.

More than 2 million Germans received Kennedy enthusiastically.He gave one of the most unforgettable speeches in history.He reaured the citizens of West Berlin of the commitment of the United States to the city and its defense.To demonstrate this point, Kennedy uttered the unforgettable sentence, \"All free men, wherever they may live, are citizens of Berlin, and, therefore, as a free man, I take pride in the words: Ich Bin Ein Berliner.\" (I am a citizen of Berlin.)

Increasing U.S.involvement in Vietnam

When President Kennedy took office, the United States was already involved in Vietnam.President Eisenhower had guaranteed South Vietnam\'s security.Eisenhower had sent military and economic aid, as well as U.S.military advisors, to South Vietnam.Kennedy escalated U.S.involvement.

South Vietnam was fighting for its survival after North Vietnam supported communist rebels\' attempts to overthrow the South Vietnamese government.Kennedy believed that North Vietnam needed to be stopped at all costs, so he sent more U.S.forces to Vietnam.By the time Kennedy was aainated, he had increased the number of U.S.military advisors, military personal that trained and fought with South Vietnamese troops, from 700 to 15,000.

第19篇：约翰肯尼迪

约翰肯尼迪(1917- 1963), 美国第35任总统, 民主党人。这篇演讲是1961年1月20日肯尼迪在华盛顿宣誓就任美国第35届总统时发表的, 是美国历史上最精彩的总统就职演说之一。他演说中的部分段落由于激发了当时美国公民的想象力而经常被引用,已经变得家喻户晓。作为美国总统,肯尼迪的演说对象是全球性的, 不仅针对美国公民,而且针对国际团体的不同国家和民族。为达到就职演说的目的,演讲者力求在文章的布局和遣词造句上标新立异,凭借着娴熟的驾驭语言的技巧, 采用大量的修辞手段,使他的演说给听众留下深刻的印象。

约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35任总统。他的演讲技巧在1961年的就职演说中发挥得淋漓尽致。此演说言辞华美, 立意高雅,气势雄伟,极富感染力, 一直被认为是一篇演讲中的经典之作。

约翰·菲茨杰拉德·肯尼迪是美国第35届总统。任内实施“新边疆”构想,振兴美国经济,全力维护美国的世界霸主地位,展示了其卓越的政治才华。而他的演讲口才也不同凡响,他的演讲技巧在1961年的就职演说中被发挥得淋漓尽致。此演说言辞华美,气势雄伟,极富感染力一直被认为是一篇演讲中的经典之作。本论文将从文体学的角度对该演说进行分析,揭示其文体特征。以帮助大家更好地欣赏肯尼迪的演讲艺术,并学习一些演讲中的语言技巧,提高演讲水平。

政治演说的目的主要在于向听众宣扬政治主张,使他们信服并按演说者的意图采取行动。这样的演说、必需有力、且具有强烈的煽动性。为达此效果演讲者常常借助于修辞手段。

修辞格作为重要的语言修饰手段,可增强语言的气势。肯尼迪就职演说中运用了 8 个隐喻、25 处排比、9处重复、4 个对偶、27 个头韵。其中既有结构修辞格，也有词汇修辞格和音韵修辞格。这些修辞格的综合运用能更好地宣传思想，吸引鼓动听众，使之产生强烈共鸣，增加演说的说服力。

本论文将从文体学的角度对该演说进行分析,揭示其文体特征。以帮助大家更好地欣赏肯尼迪的演讲艺术,并学习一些演讲中的语言技巧,提高演讲水平。

修辞手段的运用不仅突出了演讲的意图,还为其内容创造了形象美,气势美和韵律美,从而让这些演讲成为英语学习者学习英语演讲、研究美国历史的必读作品。如今,语言表达能力,特别是演讲能力,已是大学生及每一位领导必须具备的素质,正如《交际与领导》说的,“无论你的人生目标如何,你的成功取决于你的交际能力。一个能用语言表达思想,并让人们倾听、理解并产生行动的人具备一个领导的基本素质。”培养大学生的语言表达能力是高等教育者的职责之一,演讲者如果能够熟练运用修辞手段,可以增强其演讲的说服力与感染力。

认真学习、分析英语演讲的精品, 以帮助英语学习者更好地欣赏马丁#路德#金的演讲艺术、演讲技能,理解演讲的深层含义, 对提高学习者英语理解、欣赏、运用能力大有裨益。

本文选取这三篇,从修辞的角度对这些演说进行定量分析, 阐述了就职演说中常用的修辞手段,揭示其语言特征,以帮助学习者能从就职演说词的文体风格、篇章结构,特别是修辞格中学到更多的知识。

头韵含蓄陈述平行结构重复回环层进法同源修辞格矛盾修饰法移就格等

张汉熙，王立礼.高级英语修订本第二册.北京：外语教学与研究出版社，2002.胡曙中，英语修辞学.上海：上海外语教育出版社, 2002.

李鑫华，英语修辞格详论上海上海外语教育出版社,2000.

刘德强.等，世界演讲名篇鉴赏辞典上海上海辞书出版社,2000.

Cockcroft, R,Cockcroft, S.Persuading People: An introduction to Rhetoric..1992

Michael Osborn &Suzanne Osborn1Public Speaking [M]Boston: HoughtonMifflinCompany, 1988 Thomas B.Farrell.Norms of Rhetorical Culture.New Heaven:Yale University Pre,1993

第20篇：解读肯尼迪

解读肯尼迪：富人阶层如何介入国家政治

肯尼迪对美国的影响绝不止他在位的那1000天。如今，44年过去了，他留给美国和世人的依然是一个强有力的形象。这不仅是因为他死时很年轻，更重要的是自肯尼迪之后，人们再没有看到一个能像他一样拥有非凡领袖气质的总统。

１纵欲的病秧子

杰克，也就是约翰·F·肯尼迪，这位将要成为美国总统的年轻人，一度将征服更多的女人视为他的人生目标之一。

有一次，他的朋友比林斯打击他说，他之所以能轻易获得女性青睐，是因为人人都知道他有个富豪老爸。为了证明这种说法是错误的，杰克弄来了父亲的劳斯莱斯，让比林斯冒充他的身份，而他冒充比林斯的身份，两人展开一场女性追逐比赛，结果肯尼迪大获全胜，他沾沾自喜地说：“这不可能是因为我长得帅，一定是我的个性的缘故。”此时的他刚上大学。

肯尼迪的这种男性魅力甚至帮助他登上了总统宝座。

“肯尼迪对于女性选民的影响力是骇人听闻的，所有的女性要么想成为他的母亲，要么想成为他的妻子。”一位《纽约时报》的专栏作家以充满嫉妒的语气写道。

事实上，在1960年的总统选举中，把票投向他的女性选民的确要比男性选民高得多。另一个令人惊讶的方面是肯尼迪的病情，他可真是个中国人说的那种“病秧子”！

他的病历从2岁的时候开始积累。每次的病都不是致命的，可是在病愈的半年之内他总会患上其他幼儿容易患上的病症：猩红热、支气管炎、百日咳等等。在医学不是很发达的年代，肯尼迪家族的豪富并不能换来杰克的健康。

二战时，他的父亲动用了自己的力量，请海军的柯克上将帮忙，伪造了一份干净的病历，才让他顺利进入海军。为了对付病痛，杰克不得不穿着“紧身衣之类的东西”，并在自己的被褥下垫一张胶合板来对付一下，他的父亲对此非常清楚，并想在他成为战争英雄之后安排他回国。但是杰克拒绝了，他于二战结束后才回到家中。

1963年11月，民调显示肯尼迪以两位数的优势领先于所有可能的总统候选人，他开始为谋求连任而走访全国。11月22日，46岁的他在达拉斯的街道上于众目睽睽之下被暗杀。

身体状况成为了他无法避免的死因：由于他的脊椎软化问题，多年来他背上一直背着一个支架，这让他在挨了一枪后无法俯身躲避，第三枪——致命的一枪，击中了他的大脑。他的病，最终还是谋杀了他。２政治偶像是这样炼成的

“每个人都有机会成为总统。”这是美国历史上最大的谎言。

不，只有极少数的人，像名叫肯尼迪那样的人，才最有可能成为总统。

小乔亡，杰克上

如果肯尼迪的兄长小乔不是碰巧死在了战争中，今天的美国历史上就应该有一位约瑟夫·帕特里克·肯尼迪总统。

不过，在一开始，肯尼迪家族年轻一代展示出来的却是种种恶习：傲慢、自私、封闭、奢侈。富人的一切恶习他们都不缺少。

不过，乔毕竟是乔，他不会让他的任何一个孩子沉迷于奢靡的生活之中的。他们从出生起每天接受的教育都在暗示和激励——肯尼迪家族的每个孩子都应该超越这些普通人的梦想。

肯尼迪家的信条是：“第二名远远不够。”二战让肯尼迪家族为国家付出了沉重的奉献：长子小乔和女婿威廉战死在欧洲战场，而杰克也差一点在所罗门群岛战役中牺牲——他指挥的鱼雷艇沉了，他和船员们在海上漂流了7天才获救。

和当时以及后来的许多美国名门相比，肯尼迪家的孩子在战时的服役记录更加扎实可信。如果动用特权，他们本可以轻易躲开战场，同时拥有一份体面的服役记录的。他们没有这样做的原因，只能解释为他们有着远大理想。

二战时，盟军的雷达引爆了小乔驾驶的载满炸药的轰炸机上的遥控电子系统，这导致了家族长子的死亡。老乔对此悲痛欲绝，并且，按照世家传统，长子是家族的当然继承人。同时，小乔对政治非常感兴趣，他身体健壮，从小就是品学兼优的样板生，他在哈佛时常常这样对同学说：“我成了总统后，会带上你一起进入白宫。”

小乔死了，他所背负的所有期望和责任由次子杰克继承，于是约翰·F·肯尼迪成为了这个家族新的希望。

上阵父子兵

在肯尼迪的政治生涯中，乔被工作人员们称为“老板”，他对于白宫的执著渴望肯定超过了他的任何一个儿子，他的诀窍就是：钱，钱，钱！乔自己曾说：“我出的钱足以把我的司机选进国会。”

继1946年竞选众议员成功后，1951年，杰克决定竞选参议员。跟1946年一样，乔注入了大量的资金来支持杰克，虽然候选人自己只能花费2万美元。乔组建了4个没有多少伪装的委员会，并为此投入了数百万美元。“光是他的公告栏预算，就能让一个人一辈子吃喝不愁。”一个评论员强调说。

1952年，肯尼迪成功当选参议员，投他的票的选民，从他的成功中得到巨大的满足——作为移民后代的他和他们，已经进入到美国生活的中心，从此不必为自己的身份和地位而感到忸怩羞涩。

这或许就是乔和他所代表的阶层孜孜不倦地让儿子追求政治地位的动力，当波士顿的报纸把他们家族描绘成一个“爱尔兰人”时，这位总统的爸爸气急败坏：“我是在这个国家出生的！我的孩子们是在这个国家出生的！到底要怎么做才能成为美国人？”

为了融入美国主流社会，他们把孩子送进哈佛，努力跻身于美国最顶级的俱乐部，这些还不够，只有送到白宫，才是最后的证明。

一个偶像的塑造

1953年杰克结婚了，这桩婚姻极大地增进了约翰·F·肯尼迪的偶像地位，杰奎琳弥补了他形象中所欠缺的那部分——她让肯尼迪家族的高傲变成与民众相接轨的高雅时尚，使人民追逐而不是排斥他们，她成了他的神话中不可或缺的一部分。杰奎琳与他一起出现在飞驰的竞选车上，堪称珠联璧合。

1953年，女儿卡罗琳的出生更是让杰克的形象十全十美，1958年他以73.6％的支持率连任参议员，他每周能够接到上百份演讲邀请函，他的照片成为那些销量最大的杂志的封面。

此时的肯尼迪唯一的缺陷是太年轻了。尽管他的形象风靡全国，但人们对他还是非常陌生，而他要面对的竞争对手尼克松却已经是个政坛老手。当党内元老劝他再等一届时，他说：“不，那太晚了。”如果他们对他的病情有所了解，他们就会理解这句话。

1960年9月25日那场著名的电视辩论成为肯尼迪的转折点。当时的民意测验显示，在收音机里听这场辩论的人，认为两人都不错。但是电视观众看到的肯尼迪参议员肤色健康，充满朝气（电视辩论前肯尼迪特地把自己的皮肤晒成了漂亮的棕色），而尼克松由于刚刚经历了一场车祸，显得面容憔悴和表情严酷。在那个晚上，在芝加哥的CBS演播室，肯尼迪向世界宣布了政治偶像时代的到来。

约翰·斯瓦洛·赖特写道：“他是我们的总统，是本世纪诞生的第一个总统，是历来当选总统中最年轻的一个，而且我们可以肯定地说，也一定会是最好的一个。”

定格的影像

肯尼迪上台时，美国的地位正在经受严重考验，苏联在50年代的经济增长率超过了美国，并首先于1957年发射了人造地球卫星。此外，苏联的热核试验和氢弹试验也仿佛走在美国前面，虽然美国总统知道事实并非如此，但美国民众却充满了忧虑。此外的小事件还有匈牙利起义和古巴革命，以及老挝、越南以及台湾问题。1961年8月13日，柏林墙在一夜之间长出来了，这一切令人感到世界在不可避免地二极化并会爆发席卷全球的战争。

在1000天内，肯尼迪奠定了他跻身美国历史上最杰出总统之列的地位，他进行了大规模削减税额的维持经济增长计划，批准了“阿波罗”登月计划，与苏联达成了禁止核试验的协议。人们第一次感到，冷战有可能和平地结束。在今天，美国人尤其怀念肯尼迪在这方面的执政艺术。

基于一种理想主义，肯尼迪还派遣和平队和医疗队前往第三世界国家，从而增加了美国外交弹性，在美苏争霸中改善了美国的形象，为美国争取到有更利的世界地位。

当然，达莱克也指出了这位总统的不足：他支持民权运动，但又担心得罪右派势力，因此显得行动不足。此外，肯尼迪还把军队派到了老挝和越南——这把以后的3届美国总统一个跟一个地带进了“越南情结”中去。

1963年11月22日，肯尼迪的遇刺身亡被认为是除了珍珠港事件外最震撼美国的事件。有人大胆地推测：如果他能够继续执政5年，将会带领美国避免因刺杀总统事件和越战而产生的乖戾，从而使美国拥有一个更

美好的未来。

也许，在普通美国人眼里，他是第一位经常上电视的美国总统，他的影像仍保留在电视录像带中。通过电话画面，人们看到的肯尼迪是一位魅力十足、年轻而精力充沛、机智诙谐的迷人美国总统。46岁的肯尼迪定格在人们的脑海深处。

３肯尼迪家族渐行渐远

家族的财富权势，毫无疑问对推助肯尼迪们的政治之路起到了极其重要的作用，但其决定性的力量，恐怕还是如约翰·F·肯尼迪那样一边忍受脊椎的刺痛，一边对公众露出灿烂笑容的钢铁般的意志。

一个可以用来很好说明这个问题的反例是，家族压力有时候反而是一件坏事。小乔治·W·布什在决定有所作为之前，曾经找人作了一个统计：美国历任总统的儿子们，有一半自暴自弃或者精神崩溃，剩下的又有一大半碌碌无为，成功率不足20％。美国第二任总统亚当斯的儿子们可当作他的前车之鉴：亚当斯曾经着力栽培三个儿子，他的长子果然成为美国第六任总统，但他的另一个儿子却受不了这种压力而精神崩溃。不过美国的世袭政治现象并没有终结，反而在2000年以后抵达顶峰。当两位美国总统候选人，小乔治·W·布什对决小艾培尔·戈尔时，他们的背后的伟大父亲们，美国第41任总统乔治·W·布什和参议员艾培尔·戈尔都竭力避免在公众面前表扬自己的儿子，以免造成是自己荫庇了儿子的不良印象，但他们所作的，或许并不比约瑟夫·P·肯尼迪少多少。

肯尼迪总统一生的事迹，最恰当不过地揭示了特权阶层如何将家族的梦想延伸到国家的最高殿堂，同时也揭示了与特权并存的强大的社会约束和压力。这也许能够解释一个人们所疑惑的问题，即为什么这种家族政治未能腐蚀美国的民主政治。

这一点从杰克服兵役这件事情上便可以看出来：按照其身体状况，他根本不可能体检合格，但是考虑到他的大使父亲正在被公众怀疑为同情纳粹，好胜的杰克先是让父亲安排他进入海军，后来发现长官只是把他安排在机关担任文职，又动用了外祖父的力量，把自己弄到了前线。

约翰·F·肯尼迪总统遇刺之后，美国民众对肯尼迪家族聚焦了巨大的感情能量，但下一代的肯尼迪们却没有一人能够将这种能量转化为自己的政治成功。由于见过太多的流血和惊悚，肯尼迪总统的遗孀杰奎琳从小便教育两个孩子“一定要远离政治”，她的儿子小约翰接受了她的教育，到1999年因空难意外去世为止，没有任何从政的企图。家族财富依在——1991年统计肯尼迪家族财产为11亿美元——但如同乔那样具有钢铁意志的充满奋斗的家长却没有了，肯尼迪家也因此变成了一个普通的豪门，一代华丽家族就此不可避免地走向谢幕。

对肯尼迪家族的最后致敬于2001年完成，美国司法部大楼以罗伯特·F·肯尼迪的名字命名。肯尼迪兄弟中硕果仅存的爱德华参议员见证了这个荣耀时刻，但他心中更多的，或许是对往昔的唏嘘。

摘自《时代人物》2005年31期

《肯尼迪就职演说.doc》

将本文的Word文档下载到电脑，方便编辑。

推荐度：

点击下载文档

肯尼迪就职演说（精选多篇）

推荐第1篇：肯尼迪就职演说

推荐第2篇：肯尼迪就职演说

推荐第3篇：肯尼迪就职演说

推荐第4篇：肯尼迪就职演说评析

推荐第5篇：肯尼迪就职演说 Inaugural Addre

推荐第6篇：肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

推荐第7篇：约翰·肯尼迪就职演说 英语演讲稿

推荐第8篇：8美国总统肯尼迪就职演说(1961年)

推荐第9篇：Inaugural Addre肯尼迪就职演说修辞总结

推荐第10篇：美国第35任总统肯尼迪就职演说

推荐第7篇：约翰·肯尼迪就职演说英语演讲稿