美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第一任期就职演讲稿
First Inaugural Addre of Franklin D.Roosevelt
President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will addre them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me aert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- namele, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankne and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is eential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distre comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind\'s goods have failed, through their own stubbornne and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happine lies not in the mere poeion of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of succe goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busine which too often has given to a sacred trust the likene of callous and selfish wrongdoing.
Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredne of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing lo through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act.We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progre towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people\'s money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congre in special seion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate aistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we addre ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and neceity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest aurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progre can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes poible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I aume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is poible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lo of eential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stre of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congre may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congre shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congre for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no le.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousne of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the aurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of eential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the bleing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.
第一个总统任期
1932年总统竞选是在严重经济危机的背景下进行的。民主党总统候选人罗斯福主张实行\"新政\"。政敌们常用他的残疾来攻击他，这是罗斯福终生都不得不与之搏斗的事情，但是他总能以出色的政绩、卓越的口才与充沛的精力将其变成优势。首次参加竞选他就通过发言人告诉人们：“一个州长不一定是一个杂技演员。我们选他并不是因为他能做前滚翻或后滚翻。他干的是脑力劳动，是想方设法为人民造福。”依靠这样的坚忍和乐观，罗斯福终于在1933年以绝对优势击败胡佛，成为美国第32届总统。
在罗斯福首次履任总统的1933年初，正值经济大萧条的风暴席卷美国的时候，到处是失业、破产、倒闭、暴跌，到处可见美国的痛苦、恐惧和绝望。罗斯福却表现出一种压倒一切的自信，他在宣誓就职时发表了一篇富有激情的演说，告诉人们：我们惟一害怕的就是害怕本身。在1933年3月4日那个阴冷的下午，新总统的决心和轻松愉快的乐观态度，“点燃了举国同心同德的新精神之火”。提出了旨在实现国家复兴和对外睦邻友好的施政方针。为了推行新政，罗斯福将一批具有自由主义色彩的律师、专家与学者组成智囊团，征询方针政策问题；通过\"炉边谈话\"方式，密切与人民群众的联系，与反对新政的最高法院进行坚决的斗争并成功地改组最高法院。
1933年3月9日至6月16日，美国国会应罗斯福总统之请召开特别会议。罗斯福先后提出各种咨文，督促和指导国会的立法工作。国会则以惊人的速度先后通过《紧急银行法》、《联邦紧急救济法》、《农业调整法》、《工业复兴法》、《田纳西河流域管理法》等。 1933-1934年的新政着重\"复兴\"，主要措施有：维持银行信用，实行美元贬值，刺激对外贸易，限制农业生产以维持农产品价格，避免农场主破产；规定协定价格以减少企业之间的竞争，制止企业倒闭1935-1939年的新政则着重\"救济\"和\"改革\"，主要措施有：更为有力地运用行政干预，实行缓慢的通货膨胀，广泛开展公共工程建设和紧急救济，实施社会保险，以扩大就业机会和提高社会购买力；进行税制改革，根据纳税能力纳税，分级征收公司所得税和过分利得税等。罗斯福新政，恢复了公众对美国政治制度的信心，强化了联邦政府机构。并由此使美国的工业、农业逐渐全面恢复。第一个任期终了的1936年，面对国民收入50%的增幅，罗斯福娓娓动听地描述道：“此时此刻，工厂机器齐奏乐曲，市场一片繁荣，银行信用坚挺，车船满载客货往来奔驰。”因此，罗斯福在1936年再次当选总统，也就不足为怪了。
1933年，罗斯福政府承认苏联并与之建立外交关系。1934年，美国国会废除干涉古巴主权的普拉特修正案，美军撤出海地和尼加拉瓜，美国允许菲律宾独立。当然，罗斯福在推行睦邻政策的同时，对拉丁美洲国家也有过粗暴的干涉。
30年代中期，德意日法西斯在欧洲和亚洲成两个战争策源地。然而，此时的美国盛行孤立主义。1935年，美国国会通过旨在使美国保持中立的皮特曼决议案。该决议案规定：战争时期禁止美国输出武器装备和信贷，而有效期为两年的\"现购自运\"条款则授权总统要求在美国购买非军事物资的交战国付现金并用本国船只装运。面对法西斯国家的侵略扩张，孤立主义和中立法无异于对侵略扩张的默许和纵容。为了引导美国及其公众作好反法西斯战争的准备，加强美国防务力量，罗斯福与孤立主义展开了坚决而富有艺术性的斗争。
美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第二任期就职演讲稿 Second Inaugural Addre of Franklin D.Roosevelt WHEN four years ago we met to inaugurate a President, the Republic, single-minded in anxiety, stood in spirit here.We dedicated ourselves to the fulfillment of a vision—to speed the time when there would be for all the people that security and peace eential to the pursuit of happine.We of the Republic pledged ourselves to drive from the temple of our ancient faith those who had profaned it; to end by action, tirele and unafraid, the stagnation and despair of that day.We did those first things first.Our covenant with ourselves did not stop there.Instinctively we recognized a deeper need—the need to find through government the instrument of our united purpose to solve for the individual the ever-rising problems of a complex civilization.Repeated attempts at their solution without the aid of government had left us baffled and bewildered.For, without that aid, we had been unable to create those moral controls over the services of science which are neceary to make science a useful servant instead of a ruthle master of mankind.To do this we knew that we must find practical controls over blind economic forces and blindly selfish men.
We of the Republic sensed the truth that democratic government has innate capacity to protect its people against disasters once considered inevitable, to solve problems once considered unsolvable.We would not admit that we could not find a way to master economic epidemics just as, after centuries of fatalistic suffering, we had found a way to master epidemics of disease.We refused to leave the problems of our common welfare to be solved by the winds of chance and the hurricanes of disaster.
In this we Americans were discovering no wholly new truth; we were writing a new chapter in our book of self-government.
This year marks the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the Constitutional Convention which made us a nation.At that Convention our forefathers found the way out of the chaos which followed the Revolutionary War; they created a strong government with powers of united action sufficient then and now to solve problems utterly beyond individual or local solution.A century and a half ago they established the Federal Government in order to promote the general welfare and secure the bleings of liberty to the American people.
Today we invoke those same powers of government to achieve the same objectives.
Four years of new experience have not belied our historic instinct.They hold out the clear hope that government within communities, government within the separate States, and government of the United States can do the things the times require, without yielding its democracy.Our tasks in the last four years did not force democracy to take a holiday.
Nearly all of us recognize that as intricacies of human relationships increase, so power to govern them also must increase—power to stop evil; power to do good.The eential democracy of our Nation and the safety of our people depend not upon the absence of power, but upon lodging it with those whom the people can change or continue at stated intervals through an honest and free system of elections.The Constitution of 1787 did not make our democracy impotent.
In fact, in these last four years, we have made the exercise of all power more democratic; for we have begun to bring private autocratic powers into their proper subordination to the public\'s government.The legend that they were invincible—above and beyond the procees of a democracy—has been shattered.They have been challenged and beaten.
Our progre out of the depreion is obvious.But that is not all that you and I mean by the new order of things.Our pledge was not merely to do a patchwork job with secondhand materials.By using the new materials of social justice we have undertaken to erect on the old foundations a more enduring structure for the better use of future generations.
In that purpose we have been helped by achievements of mind and spirit.Old truths have been relearned; untruths have been unlearned.We have always known that heedle self-interest was bad morals; we know now that it is bad economics.Out of the collapse of a prosperity whose builders boasted their practicality has come the conviction that in the long run economic morality pays.We are beginning to wipe out the line that divides the practical from the ideal; and in so doing we are fashioning an instrument of unimagined power for the establishment of a morally better world.
This new understanding undermines the old admiration of worldly succe as such.We are beginning to abandon our tolerance of the abuse of power by those who betray for profit the elementary decencies of life.
In this proce evil things formerly accepted will not be so easily condoned.Hard-headedne will not so easily excuse hardheartedne.We are moving toward an era of good feeling.But we realize that there can be no era of good feeling save among men of good will.
For these reasons I am justified in believing that the greatest change we have witneed has been the change in the moral climate of America.
Among men of good will, science and democracy together offer an ever-richer life and ever-larger satisfaction to the individual.With this change in our moral climate and our rediscovered ability to improve our economic order, we have set our feet upon the road of enduring progre.
Shall we pause now and turn our back upon the road that lies ahead? Shall we call this the promised land? Or, shall we continue on our way? For \"each age is a dream that is dying, or one that is coming to birth.\" 16 Many voices are heard as we face a great decision.Comfort says, \"Tarry a while.\" Opportunism says, \"This is a good spot.\" Timidity asks, \"How difficult is the road ahead?\"
True, we have come far from the days of stagnation and despair.Vitality has been preserved.Courage and confidence have been restored.Mental and moral horizons have been extended.
But our present gains were won under the preure of more than ordinary circumstances.Advance became imperative under the goad of fear and suffering.The times were on the side of progre.
To hold to progre today, however, is more difficult.Dulled conscience, irresponsibility, and ruthle self-interest already reappear.Such symptoms of prosperity may become portents of disaster! Prosperity already tests the persistence of our progreive purpose.
Let us ask again: Have we reached the goal of our vision of that fourth day of March 1933? Have we found our happy valley?
I see a great nation, upon a great continent, bleed with a great wealth of natural resources.Its hundred and thirty million people are at peace among themselves; they are making their country a good neighbor among the nations.I see a United States which can demonstrate that, under democratic methods of government, national wealth can be translated into a spreading volume of human comforts hitherto unknown, and the lowest standard of living can be raised far above the level of mere subsistence.
But here is the challenge to our democracy: In this nation I see tens of millions of its citizens—a substantial part of its whole population—who at this very moment are denied the greater part of what the very lowest standards of today call the neceities of life.
I see millions of families trying to live on incomes so meager that the pall of family disaster hangs over them day by day.
I see millions whose daily lives in city and on farm continue under conditions labeled indecent by a so-called polite society half a century ago.
I see millions denied education, recreation, and the opportunity to better their lot and the lot of their children.
I see millions lacking the means to buy the products of farm and factory and by their poverty denying work and productivene to many other millions.
I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.
It is not in despair that I paint you that picture.I paint it for you in hope—because the Nation, seeing and understanding the injustice in it, proposes to paint it out.We are determined to make every American citizen the subject of his country\'s interest and concern; and we will never regard any faithful law-abiding group within our borders as superfluous.The test of our progre is not whether we add more to the abundance of those who have much; it is whether we provide enough for those who have too little.
If I know aught of the spirit and purpose of our Nation, we will not listen to Comfort, Opportunism, and Timidity.We will carry on.
Overwhelmingly, we of the Republic are men and women of good will; men and women who have more than warm hearts of dedication; men and women who have cool heads and willing hands of practical purpose as well.They will insist that every agency of popular government use effective instruments to carry out their will.31 Government is competent when all who compose it work as trustees for the whole people.It can make constant progre when it keeps abreast of all the facts.It can obtain justified support and legitimate criticism when the people receive true information of all that government does.
If I know aught of the will of our people, they will demand that these conditions of effective government shall be created and maintained.They will demand a nation uncorrupted by cancers of injustice and, therefore, strong among the nations in its example of the will to peace.
Today we reconsecrate our country to long-cherished ideals in a suddenly changed civilization.In every land there are always at work forces that drive men apart and forces that draw men together.In our personal ambitions we are individualists.But in our seeking for economic and political progre as a nation, we all go up, or else we all go down, as one people.
To maintain a democracy of effort requires a vast amount of patience in dealing with differing methods, a vast amount of humility.But out of the confusion of many voices rises an understanding of dominant public need.Then political leadership can voice common ideals, and aid in their realization.
In taking again the oath of office as President of the United States, I aume the solemn obligation of leading the American people forward along the road over which they have chosen to advance. While this duty rests upon me I shall do my utmost to speak their purpose and to do their will, seeking Divine guidance to help us each and every one to give light to them that sit in darkne and to guide our feet into the way of peace.
第二个总统任期
1937年10月，罗斯福在芝加哥参加新建大桥的落成典礼时发表演说，指出：\"当某种传染性疾病开始蔓延的时候，为了保护居民的健康，防止病疫流行，社会许可并且共同对患者实行隔离\"，\"战争都会蔓延。战争可以席卷远离原来战场的国家和人民。我们决心置身于战争之外，然而我们并不能保证我们不受战争灾难的影响和避免卷入战争的危机;。\"隔离演说\"遭到猛烈抨击。乃至罗斯福事后不无后怕地说：\"你想领个头，但回头一看，身后一个人也没有，这种情况多么可怕啊！\"但是，\"隔离演说\"毕竟向美国公众指出了战争恐怖的存在。 1938年1月，罗斯福在特别咨文中敦促立即增加20%的海军建设费。国会经过激烈辩论而于5月通过文森扩充海军法，准许以10亿美元发展海军。这一事实表明，大多数认真思考问题的美国人，已经看到战争的威胁并因而同意加强防务。1938年12月，在罗斯福的倡议下，泛美会议通过《利马宣言》，反映出美洲国家反法西斯的决心。1938年3月，德军进入布拉格之后，美国副国务卿代表总统谴责德国\"肆无忌惮的不法行为\"和\"横行霸道\"。
1939年9月，德波战争爆发之后，罗斯福不得不发表正式中立声明并实施中立法。在9月21日国会召开的特别会议上，罗斯福企图用禁运政策曾给美国带来的灾难--1814年国会大厦部分被焚来说服国会废除禁运条款，同时声称\"当然，向诸位回顾这上点只不过是复述历史罢了\"。经过国会内外的激烈辩论，国会通过中立法修正案，取消禁运条款，实行现购自运原则（现金购买，运输自理）。罗斯福随即予以签署。
1940年5 月，英法联军经德军打击而溃败。罗斯福要求国会追加国防拨款，加强战备。为了获得共和党人的支持，罗斯福任命亨利·史汀生为陆军部长，弗兰克·诺克斯为海军部长。大战期间，美国历任陆军部长为哈里·伍德林（1937年至1940年6月）、亨利·史汀生（1940年6月到1945年9月）。历任海军部长为克劳德·斯旺森（任至1939年）、查尔斯·爱迪生（1940年）、弗兰克·诺克斯（1940年6月至1944年）、詹姆斯·福雷斯特尔（1944年继任）。在英国面临危亡的时刻，罗斯福开始向英国提供武器装备。
美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第三任期就职演讲稿
Third Inaugural Addre of Franklin D.Roosevelt
ON each national day of inauguration since 1789, the people have renewed their sense of dedication to the United States.In Washington\'s day the task of the people was to create and weld together a nation.
In Lincoln\'s day the task of the people was to preserve that Nation from disruption from within.
In this day the task of the people is to save that Nation and its institutions from disruption from without.
To us there has come a time, in the midst of swift happenings, to pause for a moment and take stock—to recall what our place in history has been, and to rediscover what we are and what we may be.If we do not, we risk the real peril of inaction.
Lives of nations are determined not by the count of years, but by the lifetime of the human spirit.The life of a man is three-score years and ten: a little more, a little le.The life of a nation is the fullne of the measure of its will to live.
There are men who doubt this.There are men who believe that democracy, as a form of Government and a frame of life, is limited or measured by a kind of mystical and artificial fate that, for some unexplained reason, tyranny and slavery have become the surging wave of the future—and that freedom is an ebbing tide.
But we Americans know that this is not true.
Eight years ago, when the life of this Republic seemed frozen by a fatalistic terror, we proved that this is not true.We were in the midst of shock—but we acted.We acted quickly, boldly, decisively.
These later years have been living years—fruitful years for the people of this democracy.For they have brought to us greater security and, I hope, a better understanding that life\'s ideals are to be measured in other than material things.
Most vital to our present and our future is this experience of a democracy which succefully survived crisis at home; put away many evil things; built new structures on enduring lines; and, through it all, maintained the fact of its democracy. For action has been taken within the three-way framework of the Constitution of the United States.The coordinate branches of the Government continue freely to function.The Bill of Rights remains inviolate.The freedom of elections is wholly maintained.Prophets of the downfall of American democracy have seen their dire predictions come to naught.
Democracy is not dying.
We know it because we have seen it revive—and grow.
We know it cannot die—because it is built on the unhampered initiative of individual men and women joined together in a common enterprise—an enterprise undertaken and carried through by the free expreion of a free majority.
We know it because democracy alone, of all forms of government, enlists the full force of men\'s enlightened will.
We know it because democracy alone has constructed an unlimited civilization capable of infinite progre in the improvement of human life.
We know it because, if we look below the surface, we sense it still spreading on every continent—for it is the most humane, the most advanced, and in the end the most unconquerable of all forms of human society.
A nation, like a person, has a body—a body that must be fed and clothed and housed, invigorated and rested, in a manner that measures up to the objectives of our time.
A nation, like a person, has a mind—a mind that must be kept informed and alert, that must know itself, that understands the hopes and the needs of its neighbors—all the other nations that live within the narrowing circle of the world.
And a nation, like a person, has something deeper, something more permanent, something larger than the sum of all its parts.It is that something which matters most to its future—which calls forth the most sacred guarding of its present.
It is a thing for which we find it difficult—even impoible—to hit upon a single, simple word.
And yet we all understand what it is—the spirit—the faith of America.It is the product of centuries.It was born in the multitudes of those who came from many lands—some of high degree, but mostly plain people, who sought here, early and late, to find freedom more freely.
The democratic aspiration is no mere recent phase in human history.It is human history.It permeated the ancient life of early peoples.It blazed anew in the middle ages.It was written in Magna Charta.
In the Americas its impact has been irresistible.America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land, but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.
Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence, into the Constitution of the United States, into the Gettysburg Addre. Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them—all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.
The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.
We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen, in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land.
But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone.It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind.For there is also the spirit.And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.
Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live. But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nation\'s body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.
That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious.It speaks to us here in the Capital of the Nation.It speaks to us through the procees of governing in the sovereignties of 48 States.It speaks to us in our counties, in our cities, in our towns, and in our villages.It speaks to us from the other nations of the hemisphere, and from those acro the seas—the enslaved, as well as the free.Sometimes we fail to hear or heed these voices of freedom because to us the privilege of our freedom is such an old, old story.
The destiny of America was proclaimed in words of prophecy spoken by our first President in his first inaugural in 1789—words almost directed, it would seem, to this year of 1941: \"The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered ...deeply,...finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people.\"
If we lose that sacred fire—if we let it be smothered with doubt and fear—then we shall reject the destiny which Washington strove so valiantly and so triumphantly to establish.The preservation of the spirit and faith of the Nation does, and will, furnish the highest justification for every sacrifice that we may make in the cause of national defense.
In the face of great perils never before encountered, our strong purpose is to protect and to perpetuate the integrity of democracy.
For this we muster the spirit of America, and the faith of America.
We do not retreat.We are not content to stand still.As Americans, we go forward, in the service of our country, by the will of God.第三个总统任期
1940年总统竞选初期，罗斯福的全部精力集中在扩军备战方面，在罗斯福的影响下，国会批准陆海军的扩充，伯克一沃兹沃思选征兵役法得到通过。9月2日，罗斯福与英国签署协定，将50艘驱逐舰转让给英国，英国则将部分海军基地租借给美国。此项协定意味着正式中立的结束，标志着美国有限参战的开始。1940年7月，当民主党人在芝加哥举行总统提名会议时，代表们仍不清楚罗斯福是否会寻求从华盛顿总统以来就没有先例的第三个任期。对此，罗斯福玩了一个小小的把戏。他通过参议员艾尔本·巴克利向提名会议发表声明，宣布他没有再任下一届总统的愿望和目的，并敦促代表们选举他们中意的无论什么人，然而又通过参议员利斯特·希尔把自己的名字列到提名名单上。然而，共和党总统候选人温德尔·威尔基却大肆发难：\"选举罗斯福就意味着把他们的儿子、兄弟和情人送进坟墓。\"大会开始酝酿投票。当写有罗斯福作为候选人的名单提交给大会的时候，整个会场乱作一团，代表们以嘘声和喝倒彩声表示强烈反对。罗斯福被迫改变策略，向选民保证他是主张和平的，甚至不惜许下诺言：\"你们的孩子不会被送去参加任何外国的战争„„我们防御的目的就是防御。罗斯福夫人立时从纽约飞往芝加哥，在会内会外发表讲话，从而很快改变了会场气氛。她说：“现在不是通常时期，而是战争迫近的非常时期，除了我们可以为整个国家利益做些什么这样的问题之外，我们不应为其他任何问题而进行争吵。”罗斯福夫人的话打动了代表们的心。当晚的报纸上都在显著位置刊登了罗斯福夫人的讲话，选民们的情绪也一下子倒向了罗斯福。
当时由于世界战争频繁，为保证美国对外政策的一致性，美国人特别是孤立主义者不赞成领导人中途易人，所以55％的选民还是选择了罗斯福。因此罗斯福终于打破了美国“国父”乔治·华盛顿总统确立的传统，第三次当选为美国总统。
1940年12 月，正在加勒比海地区巡视的罗福收到英国首相丘吉尔的特急信件，内称为对付德国军事力量，英国需要大量武器装备，但英国财政不能为美国武器装备交付现金之日即将来临。于是，罗斯福在记者招待会上不提由美国贷款给英国或给英国军用物资的建议，却谈及平常的比方--\"我\"把花园浇水管借给家宅起火的邻居，以帮助邻居扑灭火灾，而灭火之后邻居是归还水管还是赔偿水管，都好商量；继而在炉边谈话中宣称：\"我们必须成为民主国家的伟大兵工厂\"，\"我要求我们的人民绝对相信我们的共同事业将取得巨大成功\"。美国公众对此持赞成态度。
1941年1月，罗斯福提请国会\"授权并拨给充分的款项，去制造更多的军火和多种军用物资，以供移交现在同侵略国家进行实际战斗的国家\"。1941年3月，国会通过的租借法案（总统有权将武器装备租借给与美国安全有关的国家）经总统签署而生效。（60%供给英国，32%供给苏联）。租借法案的通过，使美国处于非交战状态，是美国积极干预反法西斯战争的重要里程碑。
1941年6月，苏德战争爆发之后，罗斯福谴责德国的侵略，宣布美国将援助苏联。8月，罗斯福和邱吉尔在纽芬兰举行会谈并发表\"大西洋宪章\"。该宪章宣称美国和英国不追求领土扩张，也不愿有违背有关民族意愿的领土变更，尊重各民族选择其政府形式的权利。
1941年12月7日，日本偷袭珍珠港，太平洋战争爆发。德国和意大利对美国宣战。美国则向日本、德国和意大利宣战，正式参加第二次世界大战。对珍珠港事件负有责任的美国太平洋陆军司令沃尔特·肖特中将和太平洋舰队总司令赫斯本德·金梅尔海军上将于12月17日被解除职务。次年2月和3月，肖特和金梅尔分别以少将和海军少将军衔退役。
为了赢得战争，罗斯福下令实施战争动员和改组军队指挥机构。战争结束前，美国武装部队员额达到1514万余人，其中陆军1042万人，陆军航空队230万人（飞机7万余架），海军388万余人（舰船4500艘），海军陆战队59万余人，海岸警备队24万余人。1941年6月成立的科学研究与发展局主管国防科技研究，主要成就有：雷达和电子设备的发展，实战用火箭、炸弹、导弹等的无线电引信，原子弹等。生产管理局于1941年春夏使美国逐渐完成向战时经济的转变。此后，供应品优先分配委员会、战时生产委员会、经济稳定委员会、战时动员委员会（机构职能或交叉，或承继）负责战争物资的生产与分配，保证了美国及其盟国的战争需要。新闻检查局和战时新闻局则负责美国的新闻与宣传工作。自1939年起，罗斯福就对年迈体弱的将军实行强制退役，提拔富有作战指挥能力的人员进入最高指挥阶层。1942年，罗斯福下令在原陆海军联合委员会的基础上，组建参谋长联席会议（由陆军参谋长乔治·马歇尔、海军作战部长欧内斯特·金、陆军航空队司令亨利·阿诺德及总统参谋长威廉·李海组成），对武装部队实施统一指挥。
罗斯福在20世纪四十年代唤醒了美国对外干涉主义，同时他决定在二战后建立一个维持世界和平的组织——联合国。为了共同研究军事形势和制定联合作战计划，罗斯福和邱吉尔在华盛顿举行\"阿卡迪亚\"会议（1941年12月），达成的主要协议有：1942年和1943年美国的生产目标；成立\"军需品分配委员会\"，统筹分配军需品，成立美英联合参谋长会议，协调盟军的联合作战；太平洋地区成立美英荷澳盟军司令部；组建中国战区（同时组建中缅印战区美军怀念部）；重申盟国战略为\"欧洲第一\"即首先战胜纳粹德国；拟定《联合国家宣言》。
1942年元旦，在罗斯福的倡导下，美英苏中等26个国家的代表在华盛顿签署《联合国家宣言》，国际反法西斯同盟正式形成。 1942年上半年，北非英军屡遭失败，盟国面临的军事形势极为不利。为了摆脱军事困境和作为盟军不能于1942年在欧洲开辟第二战场的补偿，罗斯福不顾马歇尔的反对，和邱吉尔一道决定盟军实施北非登陆计划。北非作战消灭了该区的德意军队。 1943年初，罗斯福和邱吉尔率领有关指挥与参谋人员赴摩洛哥的卡萨布兰卡，举行军事会议。会议决定：1943年进攻西西里，进攻法国的作战延至1944年。在会议结束后的联合记者招待会上，罗斯福宣称：法西斯轴心国必须无条件投降\"，\"这不是说要消灭德、意大利、日本的所有居民，但是确是要消灭这些国家里的基于征服和奴役其他人民的哲学思想\"。
从1943年起，同盟国由战略防御转为战略进攻。为了协调盟国的作战行动和探讨盟国的战后政策，罗斯福先后与盟国首脑举行一系列重要会议。 1943年3月，罗斯福即与艾登谈及战后成立维持世界和平与安全的国际组织的问题。在罗斯福的努力下，国会同意美国参加此种国际组织。
5月，罗斯福、邱吉尔及有关指挥与参谋人员在华盛顿举行\"三叉戟\"会议，决定：夺取亚速尔群岛以提供新的海空军事基础；加强对德国的空袭；训令艾森豪威尔在占领西西里之后即着手准备进攻意大利本土；次年5月1日为实施\"霸王\"计划的日期；制定详细计划，在太平洋地区发动打新的攻势。
墨索里尼的法西斯意大利政府垮台之后，罗斯福和邱吉尔于8月魁北克召开\"象限\"会议，决定与新政府谈判停战。但是，盟军仍在为争夺意大利而与德军作战。 11月，罗斯福与邱吉尔、蒋介石在埃及举行开罗会议。会议讨论了中国和缅甸的军事形势并决定实施\"安纳吉姆\"计划，签署了三国\"开罗宣言\"。宣言规定，三国旨在剥夺日本自一战以来在太平洋地区所提的一切岛屿，使日本所窃取于中国之领土归还中国，使朝鲜获得自由与独立。
开罗会议之后，罗斯福、邱吉尔一行即前往伊朗与苏联最高统帅斯大林举行德黑兰会议。会议主要讨论开辟欧洲第二战场、意大利地区的军事行动和太平洋的进攻作战、德国投降后苏联的对日作战、波兰边界、战后德国的处置以及建立战后维持世界和平与安全的国际组织等问题。会议重申盟军将于1944年5月实施\"霸王\"计划。罗斯福为了让马歇尔留在华盛顿，决定任命艾森豪威尔为实施\"霸王\"计划的盟军最高司令。 1944年6月5日（因气候原因而由5月1日延迟），盟军在法国诺曼底登陆，实施\"霸王\"作战计划，欧洲第二战场形成。1944年，第二次世界大战到了最紧要的关头，美国的总统大选也同时迫近。美国舆论普遍认为，关键时刻行政首脑不宜更替。美国民主党政府警告选民：“行到河中最好别换船。”
美国历届总统就职演说之---第32任总统Franklin D.Roosevelt的第四任期就职演讲稿
Forth Inaugural Addre of Franklin D.Roosevelt MR.Chief Justice, Mr.Vice President, my friends, you will understand and, I believe, agree with my wish that the form of this inauguration be simple and its words brief.
We Americans of today, together with our allies, are paing through a period of supreme test.It is a test of our courage—of our resolve—of our wisdom—our eential democracy.
If we meet that test—succefully and honorably—we shall perform a service of historic importance which men and women and children will honor throughout all time.
As I stand here today, having taken the solemn oath of office in the presence of my fellow countrymen—in the presence of our God—I know that it is America\'s purpose that we shall not fail.
In the days and in the years that are to come we shall work for a just and honorable peace, a durable peace, as today we work and fight for total victory in war.5 We can and we will achieve such a peace.
We shall strive for perfection.We shall not achieve it immediately—but we still shall strive.We may make mistakes—but they must never be mistakes which result from faintne of heart or abandonment of moral principle.
I remember that my old schoolmaster, Dr.Peabody, said, in days that seemed to us then to be secure and untroubled: \"Things in life will not always run smoothly.Sometimes we will be rising toward the heights—then all will seem to reverse itself and start downward.The great fact to remember is that the trend of civilization itself is forever upward; that a line drawn through the middle of the peaks and the valleys of the centuries always has an upward trend.\"
Our Constitution of 1787 was not a perfect instrument; it is not perfect yet.But it provided a firm base upon which all manner of men, of all races and colors and creeds, could build our solid structure of democracy.
And so today, in this year of war, 1945, we have learned leons—at a fearful cost—and we shall profit by them.
We have learned that we cannot live alone, at peace; that our own well-being is dependent on the well-being of other nations far away.We have learned that we must live as men, not as ostriches, nor as dogs in the manger.
We have learned to be citizens of the world, members of the human community.
We have learned the simple truth, as Emerson said, that \"The only way to have a friend is to be one.\"
We can gain no lasting peace if we approach it with suspicion and mistrust or with fear.We can gain it only if we proceed with the understanding, the confidence, and the courage which flow from conviction.
The Almighty God has bleed our land in many ways.He has given our people stout hearts and strong arms with which to strike mighty blows for freedom and truth.He has given to our country a faith which has become the hope of all peoples in an anguished world.
So we pray to Him now for the vision to see our way clearly—to see the way that leads to a better life for ourselves and for all our fellow men—to the achievement of His will to peace on earth.
第四个总统任期
罗斯福选中哈里·S·杜鲁门为自己竞选的伙伴。开始，杜鲁门感到突然，认为自己从来没有进 行过这种竞选活动，担心对罗斯福的前途无补。经罗斯福劝解，他才最后答应。为了赢得竞选，罗斯福驳斥了共和党总统候选人托马斯·E·杜威的“疲惫不堪的老人”的抨击，公开了他的医生罗斯· 麦金太尔海军中将向人出示的一份健康证明书的情景，并示威性地在恶劣的天气中进行竞选活动。 1944年11月17日，罗斯福再次以53％的得票率第四次当选为美国总统。 1944年他召开了一系列会议，在财政、贸易、食品和农业等领域实行比较开放的政策。总之，他看住了美国，他是唯一能够阻止美国重犯孤立主义错误的人。
1945年2月，罗斯福和邱吉尔、斯大林在克里米亚半岛举行雅尔塔会议。会议主要讨论战后德国的处置、波兰与东欧政府、联合国、苏联对日作战等问题。会议重申纳粹德国必须无条件投降。 在这一任期里 ，罗斯福只担任了73天职务就在佐治亚州与世长辞了。这样，富兰克林·罗斯福一连任了四届，1 2年又39天的总统，是第一位任期超过两届、打破华盛顿先例的总统。由于1951年通过的宪法修正案第二十二条的限制，他将是美国历史上惟一一位任期达四届的总统。 罗斯福4次当选美国总统，除了战争因素，究竟有无成功的秘诀呢？答案是肯定的。罗斯福的权威传记作家詹姆斯·伯恩斯，经过大量研究而得出以下结论：抓住公众舆论；善于选择时机；关心政治细节；注意内部的派别之争；个人的魅力和政治上的技巧。罗斯福连任4届总统，对于美国政治制度和世界反法西斯战争都是极为重要的。
美国总统（富兰克林罗斯福）就职演说 First Inaugural Addre
