林肯总统在1861年的第一次就职演说--英文版 there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addrees you.i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that-- i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists.i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so.those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read: resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is eential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawle invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. unanimity frame and pa a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states? i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congre as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution.during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succeion administered the executive branch of the government.they have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great succe. yet, with all this scope of precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.a disruption of the federal union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual.perpetuity is implied, if not expreed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.it is safe to aert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.continue to execute all the expre provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impoible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.again: if the united states be not a government proper, but an aociation of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by le than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself.the union is much older than the constitution. it was formed, in fact, by the articles of aociation in 1774.it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776.it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states exprely plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778.and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was to form a more perfect union.but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully poible, the union is le perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union; that resolves and ordinances to that 林肯的第二任总统就职演说
这篇演说的讲稿是人类历史上最伟大的演说词，永久地刻在了林肯纪念堂里，英文原文是： at this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office，there is le occasion for an extended addre than there was at the first.then a statement，somewhat in detail，of a course to be pursued，seemed fitting and proper.now，at the expiration of four years，during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention，and engroes the energies of the nation，little that is new could be presented.the progre of our arms，upon which all else chiefly depends，is as well known to the public as to myself; and it is，i trust，reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.with high hope for the future，no prediction in regard to it is ventured. on the occasion corresponding to this four years ago，all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.all dreaded it--all sought to avert it.while the inaugural addre was being delivered from this place，devoted altogether to saving the union without war，insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war--seeking to diolve the union，and divide effects，by negotiation.both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it perish.and the war came. one eighth of the whole population were colored slaves，not distributed generally over the union，but localized in the southern part of it.these slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest.all knew that this interest was，somehow，the cause of the war.to strengthen，perpetuate，and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the union，even by war; while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.neither party expected for the war，the magnitude，or the duration，which it has already attained.neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with，or even before，the conflict itself should cease. each looked for an easier triumph，and a result le fundamental and astounding.both read the same bible，and astounding to the same god; and each invokes his aid against the other.it may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just gods aistance in wringing their bread from with malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmne in the right，as god gives us to see the right，let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nations wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle，and for his widow，and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace，among ourselves，and with all nations. 最后两段译文： (交战)每一方都在寻求一个快速的、不伤根本的胜利。双方都读同一本圣经，向同一位上帝祷告，求祂的帮助。看起来真是奇怪：一些人竟企求上帝让别人流汗而使自己可以得到面包；但是，不要让我们论断，如果我们自己不想被论断的话。双方的祷告不会同时被回答，任何一方的祷告也不会被完全应允。全能的神自有其旨意。“祸哉世界！因着必来之罪；祸哉此人，罪因其而来。”如果我们假设，美国奴隶制度乃是众罪之一，此罪到了期限，神便定意除去这个制度，引发这一场可怖的南北战争，因为灾降于那些罪因其而来的人身上，如同以往圣徒所描写的神的属性，神的作为难道会有任何偏差吗？我们热切地盼望--恒切地祷告--这场惩罚性的战争得以迅速地远离我们而去。然而，如果神定意让战争持续下去，直到我们从所有奴隶在两百五十年间没有报酬、困苦劳动之下所累积的财富毁去，及直到每一滴皮鞭上的血迹被报之以刀下每一条冤魂，就如同我们在三千年前所说，而今天仍要再说的那样：“主的审判信实，合乎公义。”
不以恶待人，而以仁爱相处。当神开启我们的眼，得见公义时，我们必须持守公义。让我们全力以赴，完成我们手中的工作，医治国家的创伤；并照料在战场上承受苦痛的人，和那些寡妇、孤儿，不忘记关怀他们a nagging fear that america’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights. today i say to you that the challenges we face are real.they are serious and they are many.they will not be met easily or in a short span of time.but know this, americafor those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame.rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of thingsthat time has surely paed.starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking america. what the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath themwhether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.where the answer is no, programs will end.and those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to accountbecause only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government. we are the keepers of this legacy.guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effortknow that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.to those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dient, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist. to the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds.and to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect.for the world has changed, and we must change with it. as we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains.they have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in arlington whisper through the ages.we honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingne to find meaning in something greater than themselves.and yet, at this momentit is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. for as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the american people upon which this nation relies.it is the kindne to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflene of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours.it is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingne to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate. our challenges may be new.the instruments with which we meet them may be new.but those values upon which our succe dependsthese things are old.these things are true.they have been the quiet force of progre throughout our history.what is demanded then is a return to these truths.what is required of us now is a new era of responsibilitythe knowledge that god calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. this is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration acro this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father le than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath. 奥巴马就职演讲
各位同胞：
今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。
四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠於创建我国的法统。
因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人也必须承继下去。
现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正在与四处蔓延的暴力和憎恨作战。我们的经济元气大伤——这既是某些人贪婪且不负责任的後果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，对国家进入新时代做准备不足所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意萧条。我们的医疗太昂贵，学校教育让人失望。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。
这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失——持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。
今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。
在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。 我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反，走这条路的始终是勇於冒险的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄，在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们，迈向繁荣与自由。
为了我们，他们携带很少的家当，远渡重洋，追寻新生活。 为了我们，他们胼手胝足，在西部安顿下来；忍受风吹雨打，筚路蓝缕。
为了我们，他们奋斗不懈，在康科特和盖茨堡，诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。
前人不断的奋斗与牺牲，直到双手皮开肉绽，我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大於所有个人企图心总和的整体，超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。 这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时，我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新，我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比，一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定，这段时期肯定已经过去。由今天开始，我们必须振作起来，拍掉身上的灰尘，再度开始重塑美国。 我们无论朝何处望去，都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大胆、迅速的行动，我们将有所行动，不光是创造新工作，更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将让科学回归合适的用途，运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转型，因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。 现在，有人质疑我们的雄心，暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就，当创造力朝同一个目标发展，不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇气。
怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚，长期以来折磨我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小，而是有无功效，是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作，支付得起照顾费用，有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案，我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任，花钱要精明，改掉恶习，正大光明作事情，只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。
我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富和增加自由的力量无与伦比，但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时，市场发展将失控，当市场只偏爱有钱人时，国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据，不只是国内生产毛额的规模，还有繁荣可及的范围，以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拚的人，不是因为施舍，而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。
至於我们的共同防卫，让我们必须在自由和理想之间作一抉择，是错误的，我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章，被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个世界，我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地，今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府，从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄，我要说：任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童，只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来，美国就是你的朋友，我们准备再次带领大家。 回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的除了飞弹和战车之外，还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保，也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地，他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强，我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性，我们所树立楷模的力量，以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。 我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下，我们可以面对那些新的威胁，这些威胁有赖国与国间更大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民，并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作，以减轻核子威胁，和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉，也会毫不动摇地保护它，对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者，我们现在告诉你，我们的精神强过你们，无法摧折，你们不可能比我们长久，我们必定打败你们。
因为我们知道，我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处，而非弱点。我们是由基督徒和穆斯林，犹太教徒和印度教徒，以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果，并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得更坚强和团结，这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去，部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小，我们共通的人性也会彰显，而美国必须扮演引进新和平时代的角色。
对穆斯林世界，我们寻求一种新的前进方式，以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问题怪罪於西方的领袖，须知你的国民藉以判断你的，是你能建立什麽，而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人，须知你门站在历史错误的一边，而只要你愿意松手，我们就会帮忙。 那些穷国的人民，我们保证会和你们合作，让们的农场丰收，让清流涌入，滋补饿坏的身体，喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家，我要说，我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见，也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了，我们也要跟着改变。
在我们思索眼前道路的此际，我们以谦虚感激的心想到，有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说，就和躺在阿灵顿（公墓）的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们，不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由，更因为他们代表着服务的精神；愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻，能够界定一个世代的此刻，必须常驻你我心中的，正是这种精神。
即使政府能做和必须做，这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时，是人们的善心，让他们招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私，让他们宁可减工时，也不愿看到朋友失业，陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气，让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心甘情愿培育孩子，最终决定我们的命运。
