美国总统演讲稿（精选多篇）

推荐第1篇：美国总统演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿

President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will addre them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me aert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- namele, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankne and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is eential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And yet our distre comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind\'s goods have failed, through their own stubbornne and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happine lies not in the mere poeion of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of succe goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busine which too often has given to a sacred trust the likene of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredne of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing lo through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

We must act.We must act quickly.

And finally, in our progre towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people\'s money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congre in special seion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate aistance of the 48 States.

Through this program of action we addre ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and neceity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest aurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progre can be made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes poible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I aume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is poible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lo of eential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stre of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congre may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But, in the event that the Congre shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congre for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no le.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousne of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the aurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the -- the future of eential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the bleing of God.

May He protect each and every one of us.

May He guide me in the days to come.

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（中文版）

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：

今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。

是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。

如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。

我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。

明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。

最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。

以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。

通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。

指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。

在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。

如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。

有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。

而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

推荐第2篇：美国总统演讲稿

Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Addre The White House

Saturday, March 24, 2012

Hello.This week, I traveled acro the country to talk about my all-of-the-above energy strategy for America – a strategy where we produce more oil and gas here at home, but also more biofuels and fuel-efficient cars; more solar power and wind power and other sources of clean, renewable energy.Now, you wouldn’t know it by listening to some of the folks running for office today, but producing more oil at home has been, and will continue to be, a key part of my energy strategy.Under my Administration, we’re producing more oil than at any other time in the last eight years.We’ve quadrupled the number of operating oil rigs to a record high.And we’ve added enough oil and gas pipeline to circle the entire Earth and then some.Those are the facts.But as I’ve been saying all week, even though America uses around 20 percent of the world’s oil, we only have around 2 percent of the world’s known oil reserves.So even if we drilled everywhere, we’d still be relying on other countries for oil.That’s why we’re pursuing an all-of-the-above strategy.We’re producing more biofuels.More fuel-efficient cars.More solar power.More wind power.This week, I was in Boulder City, Nevada, where they’ve got the largest solar plant of its kind anywhere in the country.That’s the future.I was at Ohio State University, where they’ve developed the fastest electric car in the world.That’s the future.I don’t want to cede these clean energy industries to China or Germany or any other country.I want to see solar panels and wind turbines and fuel-efficient cars manufactured right here in America, by American workers.Now, getting these clean energy industries to locate here requires us to maintain a national commitment to new research and development.But it also requires us to build world-cla transportation and communications networks, so that any company can move goods and sell products all around the world as quickly and efficiently as poible.So much of America needs to be rebuilt right now.We’ve got crumbling roads and bridges.A power grid that wastes too much energy.An incomplete high-speed broadband network.And we’ve got thousands of unemployed construction workers who’ve been looking for a job ever since the housing market collapsed.But once again, we’re waiting on Congre.You see, in a matter of days, funding will stop for all sorts of transportation projects.Construction sites will go idle.Workers will have to go home.And our economy will take a hit.This Congre cannot let that happen.Not at a time when we should be doing everything in our power – Democrats and Republicans – to keep this recovery moving forward.The Senate did their part.They paed a bipartisan transportation bill.It had the support of 52 Democrats and 22 Republicans.Now it’s up to the House to follow suit; to put aside partisan posturing, end the gridlock, and do what’s right for the American people.This is common sense.Right now, all acro this country, we’ve got contractors and construction workers who have never been more eager to get back on the job.A long term transportation bill would put them to work.And those are good jobs.We just released a report that shows nearly 90 percent of the construction, manufacturing and trade jobs created through investments in transportation projects are middle cla jobs.Those are exactly the jobs we need right now, and they’ll make the economy stronger for everybody.We’ve done this before.During the Great Depreion, America built the Hoover Dam and the Golden Gate Bridge.After World War II, we connected our states with a system of highways.Democratic and Republican administrations invested in great projects that benefited everybody, from the workers who built them to the businees that still use them today.So tell Congre that if we invest in new technology and new energy; in new roads and bridges and construction projects, we can keep growing our economy, put our people back to work, and remind the world why the United States is the greatest nation on Earth.Thanks and have a great weekend.

推荐第3篇：美国总统每周演讲稿

Prepared Remarks of President

Barack

Obama

Weekly Addre

Saturday, August 27, 2011

In just two weeks, we’ll come together, as a nation, to mark the 10th anniversary of the September 11th attacks. We’ll remember the innocent lives we lost. We’ll stand with the families who loved them. We’ll honor the heroic first responders who rushed to the scene and saved so many. And we’ll pay tribute to our troops and military families, and all those who have served over the past ten years, to keep us safe and strong.We’ll also recall how the worst terrorist attack in American history brought out the best in the American people. How Americans lined up to give blood. How volunteers drove acro the country to lend a hand. How schoolchildren donated their savings. How communities, faith groups and businees collected food and clothing.We were united, and the outpouring of generosity and compaion reminded us that in times of challenge, we Americans move forward together, as one people.This September 11th, Michelle and I will join the commemorations at Ground Zero, in Shanksville, and at the Pentagon. But even if you can’t be in New York, Pennsylvania or Virginia, every American can be part of this anniversary. Once again, 9/11 will be a National Day of Service and Remembrance. And in the days and weeks ahead, folks acro the country—in all 50 states—will come together, in their communities and neighborhoods, to honor the victims of 9/11 and to reaffirm the strength of our nation with acts of service and charity.In Minneapolis, volunteers will help restore a community center. In Winston-Salem, North Carolina, they’ll hammer shingles and lay floors to give families a new home. In Tallahaee, Florida, they’ll aemble care packages for our troops overseas and their families here at home. In Orange County, California, they’ll renovate homes for our veterans. And once again, Michelle and I look forward to joining a local service project as well.There are so many ways to get involved, and every American can do something. To learn more about the opportunities where you live, just go online and visit Serve.gov. Even the smallest act of service, the simplest act of kindne, is a way to honor those we lost; a way to reclaim that spirit of unity that followed 9/11.

On this 10th anniversary, we still face great challenges as a nation. We’re emerging from the worst economic crisis in our lifetimes. We’re taking the fight to al Qaeda, ending the war in Iraq and starting to bring our troops home from Afghanistan. And we’re working to rebuild the foundation of our national strength here at home.None of this will be easy. And it can’t be the work of government alone. As we saw after 9/11, the strength of America has always been the character and compaion of our people. So as we mark this solemn anniversary, let’s summon that spirit once more. And let’s show that the sense of common purpose that we need in America doesn’t have to be a fleeting moment; it can be a lasting virtue—not just on one day, but every day.

Prepared Remarks of President

Barack

Obama

Weekly Addre

Saturday, August 20, 2011

Hello from the Country Corner Farm in Alpha, Illinois! For the past few days, I’ve been traveling to small towns and farm towns here in the heartland of this country.I sat down with small busine owners in Gutenberg, Iowa; and ranchers and farmers in Peosta.I had lunch with veterans in Cannon Falls, Minnesota; and talked to plant workers at a seed distributor in Atkinson, Illinois.And to the girls volleyball team at Maquoketa High School, let me just say one thing: Go Cardinals.Now, I’m out here for one reason: I think Washington, DC can learn something from the folks in Atkinson and Peosta and Cannon Falls.I think our country would be a whole lot better off if our elected leaders showed the same kind of discipline and integrity and responsibility that most Americans demonstrate in their lives every single day.Because, the fact is, we’re going through a tough time right now.We’re coming through a terrible receion; a lot of folks are still looking for work.A lot of people are getting by with smaller paychecks or le money in the cash register.So we need folks in Washington – the people whose job it is to deal with the country’s problems, the people who you elected to serve – we need them to put aside their differences to get things done.There are things we can do right now that will mean more customers for businees and more jobs acro the country.We can cut payroll taxes again, so families have an extra $1,000 to spend.We can pa a road construction bill so construction crews – now sitting idle – can head back to the worksite, rebuilding roads, bridges, and airports.We’ve got brave, skilled Americans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan.Let’s connect them with businees that could use their skills.And let’s pa trade deals to level the playing field for our businees.We have Americans driving Hyundais and Kias.Well, I want to see folks in Korea driving Fords, Chevys and Chryslers.I want more products sold around the globe stamped with three words: Made in America.These are commonsense ideas – ideas that have been supported by both Democrats and Republicans.The only thing holding them back is politics.The only thing preventing us from paing these bills is the refusal by some in Congre to put country ahead of party.That’s the problem we have right now.That’s what’s holding this country back.That’s what we have to change.Because, for all the knocks we’ve taken, despite all the challenges we face, this is still the greatest country on earth.We still have the best workers and farmers, entrepreneurs and businees, students and scientists.And you can see that here in Alpha.You can see it along the country roads that connect these small towns and farmlands.These past few days, I’ve been seeing little kids with American flags and grandparents in lawn chairs.I’ve shaken hands with folks outside machine shops and churches, corner stores and farms.It reminds me why I got into public service in the first place.Getting out of Washington and spending time with the people of this country – seeing how hard you’re working, how creative you are, how resourceful you are, how determined you are – that only makes me more determined to serve you as best I can as President.And it only makes me more confident in our future.That’s why it’s so important that folks in Washington put country before party.That’s why it’s so important that our elected leaders get past their differences to help grow the economy and put this nation back to work.Because here in Alpha it couldn’t be more clear: if we can come together, there’s no stopping the United States of America.There’s no doubt that our future is bright.

Thanks, and have a great weekend.

Prepared Remarks of President

Barack

Obama

Weekly Addre

Saturday, August 13, 2011

On Thursday, I visited a new, high-tech factory in Michigan where workers are helping America lead the way in a growing clean energy industry.They were proud of their work, and they should be. They’re not just showing us a path out of the worst receion in generations – they’re proving that this is still a country where we make things; where new ideas take root and grow; where the best universities, most creative entrepreneurs, and most dynamic businees in the world call home. They’re proving that even in difficult times, there’s not a country on Earth that wouldn’t trade places with us.

That doesn’t mean we don’t face some very tough economic challenges. Many Americans are hurting badly right now. Many have been unemployed for too long. Putting these men and women back to work, and growing wages for everyone, has got to be our top priority.But lately, the response from Washington has been partisanship and gridlock that’s only undermined public confidence and hindered our efforts to grow the economy.So while there’s nothing wrong with our country, there is something wrong with our politics, and that’s what we’ve got to fix. Because we know there are things Congre can do, right now, to get more money back in your pockets, get this economy growing faster, and get our friends and neighbors back to work.The payroll tax cut that put $1,000 back in the average family’s pocket this year? Let’s extend it. Construction workers who’ve been joble since the housing boom went bust? Let’s put them back to work rebuilding America. Let’s cut red tape in the patent proce so entrepreneurs can get good ideas to market more quickly. Let’s finish trade deals so we can sell more American-made goods around the world. Let’s connect the hundreds of thousands of brave Americans coming home from Iraq and Afghanistan to businees that need their incredible skills and talents.These are all things we can do right now. So let’s do them. And over the coming weeks, I’ll put forward more proposals to help our businees hire and create jobs, and won’t stop until every American who wants a job can find one.But we can no longer let partisan brinksmanship get in our way – the idea that making it through the next election is more important than making things right. That’s what’s holding us back – the fact that some in Congre would rather see their opponents lose than see America win.So you’ve got a right to be frustrated. I am. Because you deserve better. And I don’t think it’s too much for you to expect that the people you send to this town start delivering.

Members of Congre are at home in their districts right now. And if you agree with me – whether you’re a Democrat or a Republican or not much of a fan of either – let them know.If you’ve had it with gridlock, and you want them to pa stalled bills that will help our economy right now – let them know.If you refuse to settle for a politics where scoring points is more important than solving problems; if you believe it’s time to put country before party and the interests of our children before our own – let them know.And maybe they’ll get back to Washington ready to compromise, ready to create jobs, ready to get our fiscal house in order – ready to do what you sent them to do.Yes, we’ve still got a long way to go to get to where we need to be. We didn’t get into this me overnight, and it’s going to take time to get out of it. That’s a hard truth – but it’s no excuse for inaction. After all, America voted for divided government, not dysfunctional government, and we’ve got work to do. And when we come together and find common ground, there’s no stopping this country. There’s no stopping our people. There’s no holding us back. And there is every reason to believe we’ll get through this storm to a brighter day.

Thanks for listening, and have a great weekend.

Prepared Remarks of President

Barack

Obama

Weekly Addre

Saturday, August 6, 2011

This week, Congre reached an agreement that’s going to allow us to make some progre in reducing our nation’s budget deficit. And through this compromise, both parties are going to have to work together on a larger plan to get our nation’s finances in order. That’s important.We’ve got to make sure that Washington lives within its means, just like families do. In the long term, the health of our economy depends on it.But in the short term, our urgent miion has to be getting this economy growing faster and creating more jobs. That’s what’s on people’s minds; that’s what matters to families in this country. And the fact is, this has been a tumultuous year for the economy. We’ve weathered the Arab Spring’s effect on oil and gas prices. The Japanese earthquake and tsunami’s effect on supply chains. The economic situation in Europe. And in Washington, there was a contentious debate over our nation’s budget that nearly dragged our country into financial crisis.So our job right now has to be doing whatever we can to help folks find work; to help create the climate where a busine can put up that job listing; where incomes are rising again for people.We’ve got to rebuild this economy and the sense of security that middle cla families\'ve felt slipping away for years. And while deficit reduction has to be part of our economic strategy, it’s not the only thing we have to do.We need Democrats and Republicans to work together to help grow this economy. We’ve got to put politics aside to get some things done. That’s what the American people expect of us. And there are a number of steps that Congre can take right away, when they return in September.We need to extend tax cuts for working and middle cla families so you have more money in your paychecks next year. That would help millions of people to make ends meet. And that extra money for expenses means businees will have more customers, and will be in a better position to hire.

Yesterday, I proposed a new tax credit for companies that hire veterans who are looking for work after serving their country. We’ve got a lot of honorable and skilled people returning from Iraq and Afghanistan, and companies that could benefit from their abilities.Let’s put them together.We need to make sure that millions of workers who are still pounding the pavement looking for jobs are not denied unemployment benefits to carry them through hard times. We’ve got to cut the red tape that stops too many inventors and entrepreneurs from quickly turning new ideas in the thriving businees – which holds back our whole economy.

It’s time Congre finally paed a set of trade deals that would help displaced workers looking for new jobs, and that would allow our businees to sell more products in countries in Asia and South America – products stamped with three words: Made in America.And we ought to give more opportunities to all those construction workers who lost their jobs when the housing boom went bust. We could put them to work right now, by giving loans to companies that want to repair our roads and bridges and airports, helping to rebuild America. Those are a few commonsense steps that would help the economy. And these are ideas that have been supported by both Democrats and Republicans in the past. So I’m going to keep calling on both parties in Congre to put aside their differences and send these bills to my desk so I can sign them right away. After all, both parties share power. Both parties share responsibility for our progre. Moving our economy and our country forward is not a Democratic or a Republican responsibility; it is our responsibility as Americans.

That’s the spirit we need in Washington right now.That’s how we’ll get this economy growing faster and reach a brighter day.Thanks for listening, and have a great weekend.

Prepared Remarks of President

Barack

Obama

Weekly Addre

Saturday, July 30, 2011

WASHINGTON—In this week’s addre, President Obama urged both Republicans and Democrats to take action to avoid defaulting for the first time in our nation’s history. While the two parties are not far apart in their goals, they must resolve their differences quickly so that the United States can continue paying its Social Security checks, veterans’ benefits, and contracts with thousands of American businees. The time has come to stop endangering the Triple A bond rating of the United States, put aside partisan politics, and behave responsibly to ensure a balanced approach to reducing our nation’s deficit.

Today, I’d like to speak with you about the ongoing and urgent efforts to avoid a first-ever default and get our fiscal house in order.Republicans in the House of Representatives just spent precious days trying to pa a plan that a majority of Republicans and Democrats in the Senate had already said they wouldn’t vote for. It’s a plan that wouldn’t solve our fiscal problems, but would force us to re-live this crisis in just a few short months. It would hold our economy captive to Washington politics once again. If anything, the past few weeks have demonstrated that’s not acceptable.

Any solution to avoid default must be bipartisan. It must have the support of both parties that were sent here to represent the American people – not just one faction of one party. There are multiple ways to resolve this problem. Congre must find common ground on a plan that can get support from both parties in the House and the Senate.And it’s got to be a plan that I can sign by Tuesday.Look, the parties are not that far apart here. We’re in rough agreement on how much spending we need to cut to reduce our deficit. And we agree on a proce to tackle tax reform and entitlement reform. There are plenty of ways out of this me. But there is very little time.We need to reach a compromise by Tuesday so that our country will have the ability to pay its bills on time – bills like Social Security checks, veterans’ benefits, and contracts we’ve signed with thousands of American businees. If we don’t, for the first time ever, we could lose our country’s Triple A credit rating. Not because we didn’t have the capacity to pay our bills – we do – but because we didn’t have a Triple A political system to match it. And make no mistake – for those who reflexively oppose tax increases on anyone, a lower credit rating would be a tax increase on everyone – we’d all pay higher interest rates on mortgages, car loans, and credit cards.That would be inexcusable, and entirely self-inflicted by Washington.The power to solve this is in our hands. All that’s needed is a simple vote that Democrats and Republicans have taken for decades, including all of the leaders in Congre today. It was done 18 times under President Reagan. 7 times under George W.Bush.And it must be done again now. It’s not a vote that allows Congre to spend more money. Raising the debt ceiling simply gives our country the ability to pay the bills the Congre has already racked up. It gives the United States of America the ability to keep its word. And it will let businees and our economy breathe a sigh of relief.On Monday night, I asked you to make your voice heard in this debate. And the response was overwhelming. One of the emails we received was from a woman named Kelly Smith, who wanted to send this meage to Washington: \"I keep my home clean,” Kelly wrote, \"I work hard at a full time job, give my parents any monies I can so they can afford their medications, I pay my bills and by all appearances I am a responsible person. All I’m asking is that you be responsible. I have my house in order and all I’m asking is that you get yours the same way.”

Here in Washington, we need to get our house in order. And I have to say, Democrats in Congre and some Senate Republicans have been listening and have shown themselves willing to make compromises to solve this crisis. Now all of us – including Republicans in the House of Representatives – need to demonstrate the same kind of responsibility that the American people show every day. The time for putting party first is over. The time for compromise on behalf of the American people is now. Thank you.

推荐第4篇：美国总统励志演讲稿

hello, everybody! thank you.thank you.thank you, everybody.all right, everybody go ahead and have a seat.how is everybody doing today? (applause.) how about tim spicer? (applause.) i am here with students at wakefield high school in arlington, virginia.and we’ve got students tuning in from all acro america, from kindergarten through 12th grade.and i am just so glad that all could join us today.and i want to thank wakefield for being such an outstanding host.give yourselves a big round of applause.(applause.) 大家好！谢谢你们。谢谢你们。谢谢你们大家。好，大家请就坐。你们今天都好吗？（掌声）蒂姆·斯派塞（tim spicer）好吗？（掌声）我现在与弗吉尼亚州阿灵顿郡韦克菲尔德高中的学生们在一起。美国各地从小学预备班到中学12年级的学生正在收听收看。我很高兴大家今天都能参与。我还要感谢韦克菲尔德高中出色的组织安排。请为你们自己热烈鼓掌。（掌声） i know that for many of you, today is the first day of school.and for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous.i imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go.and no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning. 我知道，今天是你们很多人开学的日子。对于进入小学预备班、初中或高中的学生，今天是你们来到新学校的第一天，心里可能有点紧张，这是可以理解的。我能想象有些毕业班学生现在感觉很不错——（掌声）——还有一年就毕业了。不论在哪个年级，你们有些人可能希望暑假更长一点，今天早上还能多睡一小会儿。 i know that feeling.when i was young, my family lived overseas.i lived in indonesia for a few years.and my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the american kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an american education.so she decided to teach me extra leons herself, monday through friday.but because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning. 我了解这种感觉。我小时候，我们家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亚住了几年。我妈妈没有钱送我上其他美国孩子上的学校，但她认为必须让我接受美式教育。因此，她决定从周一到周五自己给我补课。不过她还要上班，所以只能在清晨四点半给我上课。 你们可以想见，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡着了。但每当我抱怨的时候，我妈妈都会那样地看我一眼，然后说：“小子，这对我也并不轻松。”（笑声） so i know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school.but i’m here today because i have something important to discu with you.i’m here because i want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year. 我知道你们有些人还在适应开学后的生活。但我今天来到这里是因为有重要的事情要和你们说。我来这里是要和你们谈谈你们的教育问题，以及在这个新学年对你们所有人的期望。 now, i’ve given a lot of speeches about education.and i’ve talked about responsibility a lot. 我做过很多次有关教育问题的演讲。我多次谈到过责任问题。 i’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn. 我谈到过教师激励学生并督促他们学习的责任。 i’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the tv or with the xbox. 我谈到过家长的责任，要确保你们走正路，完成家庭作业，不要整天坐在电视前或玩xbox游戏。 i’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve. 我多次谈到过政府的责任，要制定高标准，支持教师和校长的工作，彻底改善不能为学生提供应有机会的、教育质量差的学校。 but at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unle all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unle you show up to those schools, unle you pay attention to those teachers, unle you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed.that’s what i want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education. 然而，即使我们拥有最敬业的教师，最尽力的家长和全世界最好的学校——如果你们大家不履行你们的责任，不到校上课，不专心听讲，不听家长、祖父祖母和其他大人的话，不付出取得成功所必须的勤奋努力，那么这一切都毫无用处，都无关紧要。这就是我今天讲话的重点：你们每个人对自己的教育应尽的责任。 i want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself.every single one of you has something that you’re good at.every single one of you has something to offer.and you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is.that’s the opportunity an education can provide. 我首先要讲讲你们对自己应尽的责任。你们每个人都有自己的长处。你们每个人都能做出自己的贡献。你们对自己应尽的责任是发现自己的能力所在。而教育能够提供这样的机会。

你或许能成为一名出色的作家——甚至可能写书或在报纸上发表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文课的作文后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名创新者或发明家——甚至可能设计出新一代iphone或研制出新型药物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科学课的实验后才会发现自己的才华。你或许能成为一名市长或参议员或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在参加学生会的工作或辩论队后才会发现自己的才华。 and no matter what you want to do with your life, i guarantee that you’ll need an education to do it.you want to be a doctor, or a teacher, or a police officer? you want to be a nurse or an architect, a lawyer or a member of our military? you’re going to need a good education for every single one of those careers.you cannot drop out of school and just drop into a good job.you’ve got to train for it and work for it and learn for it. 不论你的生活志向是什么，我敢肯定你必须上学读书才能实现它。你想当医生、教师或警官吗？你想当护士、建筑师、律师或军人吗？你必须接受良好的教育，才能从事上述任何一种职业。你不能指望辍学后能碰上个好工作。你必须接受培训，为之努力，为之学习。 and this isn’t just important for your own life and your own future.what you make of your education will decide nothing le than the future of this country.the future of america depends on you.what you’re learning in school today will determine whether we as a nation can meet our greatest challenges in the future. 这并非只对你个人的人生和未来意义重大。可以毫不夸大地说，教育给你带来的益处将决定这个国家的未来。美国的未来取决于你们。你们今日在校学习的知识将决定我们作为一个国家是否能够迎接我们未来所面临的最严峻挑战。

你们将需要利用你们通过自然科学和数学课程所学到的知识和解决问题的能力来治愈癌症、艾滋病及其他疾病，开发新的能源技术和保护我们的环境。你们将需要利用你们在历史学和社会学课堂上所获得的知识和独立思考能力来抗击贫困和解决无家可归问题，打击犯罪和消除歧视，使我们的国家更公平、更自由。你们将需要利用你们在所有课堂上培养的创造力和智慧来创办新公司，增加就业机会，振兴我们的经济。 we need every single one of you to develop your talents and your skills and your intellect so you can help us old folks solve our most difficult problems.if you don’t do that -- if you quit on school -- you’re not just quitting on yourself, you’re quitting on your country. 我们需要你们每个人发挥你们的聪明才智和技能，以便帮助老一辈人解决我们面临的最棘手问题。如果你们不这样做，如果你们辍学，你们不仅仅是自暴自弃，也是抛弃自己的国家。 now, i know it’s not always easy to do well in school.i know a lot of you have challenges in your lives right now that can make it hard to focus on your schoolwork. 我自然知道要做到学业优秀并非总是易事。我知道你们许多人在生活中面临挑战，难以集中精力从事学业。 i get it.i know what it’s like.my father left my family when i was two years old, and i was raised by a single mom who had to work and who struggled at times to pay the bills and wasn’t always able to give us the things that other kids had.there were times when i mied having a father in my life.there were times when i was lonely and i felt like i didn’t fit in. 我明白这一点。 我有亲身感受。两岁时，我父亲离家而去，我是由一位单亲母亲抚养成人的，母亲不得不工作，并时常为支付生活费用而苦苦挣扎，但有时仍无法为我们提供其他孩子享有的东西。有时，我渴望生活中能有一位父亲。有时我感到孤独，感到自己不适应社会。 so i wasn’t always as focused as i should have been on school, and i did some things i’m not proud of, and i got in more trouble than i should have.and my life could have easily taken a turn for the worse. 我并非总是像我应该做到的那样专心学习，我也曾做过我如今不能引以为豪的一些事情，我曾惹过不应该惹的麻烦。我的人生原本会轻易陷入更糟糕的境地。 but i was -- i was lucky.i got a lot of second chances, and i had the opportunity to go to college and law school and follow my dreams.my wife, our first lady michelle obama, she has a similar story.neither of her parents had gone to college, and they didn’t have a lot of money.but they worked hard, and she worked hard, so that she could go to the best schools in this country. 但是，我当年际遇不错。我有过许多第二次机会，我有幸能上大学，上法学院，追求自己的理想。我的妻子，我们的第一夫人米歇尔?奥巴马，也有着类似的经历。她的父母都未曾上过大学，家里很穷。但他们非常勤奋 ，她也是如此，因此她得以进入一些美国最好的学校。 some of you might not have those advantages.maybe you don’t have adults in your life who give you the support that you need.maybe someone in your family has lost their job and there’s not enough money to go around.maybe you live in a neighborhood where you don’t feel safe, or have friends who are preuring you to do things you know aren’t right. 你们中有一些人可能没有那些有利条件。或许你们生活中没有成年人为你们提供你们所需要篇2：美国总统演讲稿 remarks of president barack obama weekly addre san diego, california saturday, november 19, 2011 today, i’m speaking to you from indonesia as i finish up my trip to the asia pacific – the regionwhere we do most of our trade and sell most of our exports.and over the past week, theprogre we’ve made in opening markets and boosting exports here will help create more jobs andmore growth in the united states. – a goal we’reon pace to meet.and they’re powerful examples of how we can rebuild an economy that’sfocused on what our country has always done best – making and selling products all over theworld that are stamped with three proud words: “made in america.” this is important, because over the last decade, we became a country that relied too much onwhat we bought and consumed.we racked up a lot of debt, but we didn’t create many jobs atall. but building an economy that lasts isn’t just about making things – it’s about opening new marketsfor people to buy them.after all, 95% of the world’s consumers live outside our borders.and asthe fastest-growing region in the world, no market is more important to our economic future thanthe asia pacific region – a region where our exports already support five million american jobs. us trade agreement yet – a partnership withpacific nations that holds the potential for more exports and more jobs in a region of nearly threebillion consumers. 美国总统奥巴马 2010 年开学励志演讲美国总统奥巴马开学演讲英语演讲稿。这是奥巴马第二次发表开学演讲。奥巴马 2009 年的演讲招来了许多批评和抵制。 一些反对者指责称， 奥巴马试图通过演讲向学生灌输政治 理念。部分媒体还批评奥巴马试图建立个人崇拜。在美国各地，也有许多家长向当地教育官 员表示抗议，一些家长甚至威胁在奥巴马演讲时把孩子离教室。有了去年的“教训” ，今年 的总统开学演讲，白宫意强调这是一次“非政治活动” ，而奥巴马本人也在演讲中回避政治 话题。thank you!hello!(applause.)thank you.thank you.well, hello,philadelphia! (applause.) and hello, masterman.(applause.) done that.be here.it is wonderful to see all of you.what a terrific introduction by kelly.give kelly a big round of applause.i was saying backstage that when i was in high school, i could not have (laughter.) i would have muffed it up somehow.so we are so proud and to all the students here, i’ thrilled to mof you and everything that you’ done.ve谢谢！你们好！ （掌声。 ）谢谢。谢谢。你好，费城！ （掌声。 ）你好， 马斯特曼。 见到你们真是太好了。 kelly 的介绍真是太棒了。 让我们对 kelly 报以热烈的掌声。在后台的时候我说，我上高中的时候我就做不这么好，我可能 会弄的一团糟。所以让我们为你和你做的一切自豪吧。站在这里我很激动。kelly 在奥巴马总统演讲前，一名叫 kelly 的学生做了演讲。 backstage n.后台 muff v.笨拙地处理，将事情弄糟 thrilled a.激动的 we’ve got a couple introductions i want to make.mayor of philadelphia, michael nutter, is here.fattah is here.(applause.) (applause.) first of all, you’ve got the (applause.) theoutstanding governor of pennsylvania, ed rendell, in the house.(applause.) congreman chaka (applause.) the school 我想介绍1congrewoman allyson schwartz is here.(applause.) andyour own principal, marge neff, is here.superintendent, arlene ackerman, is here and doing a great job.the secretary of education, arne duncan, is here.(applause.)几个人。首先，来到这儿的有，杰出的宾夕法尼亚州州长， ed rendell。 （掌声。 ） 。你们的 费城市长，michael nutter。国会议员 fattah 和 allyson schwartz（掌声） 校长 marge neff（掌声） 。学校管理人 arlene ackerman 是这个学校的，并且为学 （掌声） 校做了很大的贡献。 （掌声） 。还有教育部秘书长 arne duncan。outstanding a.杰出的 congreman n.国会议员 principal n.校长 superintendent n.院长 and i am here.excited.(applause.) and i am thrilled to be here.i am just soi’ve heard such great things about what all of you are doing, both the 还有我。 （掌声） ，我感到非常students and the teachers and th ，你们中有些人在新学年会有些紧张。或许你刚从 小学升到初中，从初中升到高中，会担心，新的学年将会是什么样的呢。也许你 进入一所新的学校，不知道是否会喜欢这个学校，想着怎么来融入这个学校。或 许你到了高三年级，对整个的大学入学程序感到不安，比如申请那里的学校，能 不能支付上大学的费用等等。elementary school n.小学 figure out 想明白，弄清楚 fit in 融入，适应 afford to do 承担得起 and beyond all those concerns, i know a lot of you are also feeling the strain of some difficult times.afghanistan.you know what’s going on in the news and you also know you’ve read about the war in and3what’s going on in some of your own families.you hear about the receion that we’ ve been through.sometimes maybe you’ seeing the worries in your parents’ faces or sense it in their re voice.除此之外，我知道你们还有来自困难时期的压力。你们知道新闻 内容，知道你们一些家庭中发发生的事情。你们读过有关阿富汗战争的信息，听 说过我们经历过的经济不景气。有时你们还看到了双亲脸上挂着的忧虑，或从他 们的声音中感受到了这些。strain n.压力 so a lot of you as a consequence, because we’re going through a tough time a country, are having to act a lot older than you are.you got to be strong for your or maybe some of family while your brother or sister is serving overseas, or you’ve got to look after younger siblings while your mom is working that second shift.work.you who are little bit older, you’re taking on a part-time job while your dad’s out of 所以，因为我们国家面临困难时期，你们许多人的行为看上去比实 际年龄要大。姐姐哥哥在海外工作，你们会表现得坚强，或许妈妈去值第二班， 你们就要照顾年幼的弟弟妹妹。或许你们有些人年长一点的，父亲失了业，你们 还要做兼职。as a consequence 结果，所以 tough time 困难时期【tough a.艰难的】 sibling n.兄弟姐妹，同胞 shift n.轮班 and that’s a lot to handle.it’s more than you should have to handle.and it may make you wonder at times what your own future will look like, whether you’re going to be able to succeed in school, whether you should maybe set your sights a little lower, scale back your dreams.有太多事情要做了， 很多是你们不应该 做的。 这让你们迷茫， 不知道自己的未来会是什么样， 在学校能不能取得好成绩， 是不是应该把目光降低些，把理想放低些。handle v.处理，应对 scale back 缩减 but i came to masterman to tell all of you what i think you’re hearing from your principal and your superintendent, and from your parents and your teachers: nobody gets to write your destiny but you.your future is in your hands.your life4is what you make of it.and 【美国总统演讲】确保同工同酬 严惩工资歧视 weekly addre: ensuring equal pay for equal work remarks of president barack obama weekly addre the white house april 12, 2014 hi, everybody.earlier this week was equal pay day.it marks the extra time the average woman has to work into a new year to earn what a man earned the year before.you see, the average woman who works full-time in america earns le than a man –

even when she’s in the same profeion and has the same education. thats wrong.in 2014, it’s an embarrament.women deserve equal pay for equal work. this is an economic iue that affects all of us.women make up about half our workforce.and more and more, they’re our families’ main breadwinners.so it’s good for everyone when women are paid fairly.that’s why, this week, i took action to prohibit more businees from punishing workers who discu their salaries – because more pay transparency makes it easier to spot pay discrimination.and i hope more busine leaders will take up this cause. but equal pay is just one part of an economic agenda for women. most lower-wage workers in america are women.so i’ve taken executive action to require federal contractors to pay their federally-funded employees at least ten dollars and ten cents an hour.i ordered a review of our nation’s overtime rules, to give more workers the chance to earn the overtime pay they deserve.thanks to the affordable care act, tens of millions of women are now guaranteed free preventive care like mammograms and contraceptive care, and the days when you could be charged more just for being a woman are over for good.acro the country, we’re bringing americans together to help us make sure that a woman can have a baby without sacrificing her job, or take a day off to care for a sick child or parent without hitting hardship.it’s time to do away with workplace policies that belong in a “mad men” episode, and give every woman the opportunity she deserves. i’m going to keep fighting to make sure that doesn’t happen.because we do better when our economy grows for everybody, not just a few.and when women succeed, america succeeds.thanks, and have a great weekend.篇5：美国总统演讲稿——勤奋生活论

勤奋生活论

1899年4月10日于芝加哥

西奥多·罗斯福(1856—1919)，美国第26任总统(1901—1909)，作家，探险者和军事家。

我不打算宣讲安逸论，我要宣讲勤奋生活论，也就是操劳、勤勉、努力和奋斗的一生我要说，安逸平淡者的一生算不上圆满，只有不畏艰险劳苦终获辉煌胜利的人的一生才算得上成功。

贪图安逸的一生，由于不想或不能成就大事业而平淡无奇的一生，对个人、对民族来说都同样不值。 一生苟且怕事的人我们不佩服。我们佩服的是经奋斗而成功的人；从来不会对不起邻人、及时向朋友伸援手的人，尤其佩服有阳刚之气经得起实际生活锻炼的人。失败的滋味固然不好受；从来不愿做成功的尝试却更糟。生活当中不努力就不会有成就。现在无需努力只表示过去已经累积了努力成果。人只有在自己或祖辈努力有成的情况下才有不工作的自由。如这样得来的自由运用得当，他还在做事，只是做不同的事，是作家或是将军，是从政或寻幽探险，都说明他对得起命运对他的厚爱。但如果他反以为这段无需工作期不是准备期而正好偷闲，那么他无非也就是这世上的寄生虫，有朝一日又得自食其力时肯定不如人。安安逸逸的一生说到底算不上充实，对很想在世上有一番严肃作为的人来说尤其不合适。 个人如是，民族亦然。要说没有历史的民族最轻松愉快可就大错了。最快活的乃是有光辉灿烂历史的民族。敢于大胆尝试夺得光辉胜利，即便经历过挫败，也远比与在胜败之间的灰色领域浑浑噩噩过了一辈子既未曾惊喜亦不知苦难的人为伍要强。如若1861年热爱联邦者以为和平乃上上选、纷战乃下下策，并秉此而行，我们果然能少死千万人，少花千万元。尤有甚者，非但能省却当时流的血、花的钱，让多少妇女免于丧子丧夫之痛、家破人亡之苦；还可以摆脱我们在军队连连败退时全国上下被暗淡所笼罩的漫长蒙羞岁月。只要当时对鏖战望而怯步就可以回避这场苦难。其实，要真是回避了，我们倒成了弱者，没有资格并列世界大国之林。感谢上帝让我们的祖辈有铁血意 志，他们坚持林肯的智慧，与格兰特将军持剑荷枪而战!我们这些当年的志士豪杰之后，促使南北战争胜利结束的英雄的后代，让我们赞美我们先祖的上帝，因为他们拒不同意苟且求全的论调，而勇敢地在痛苦损失、悲痛绝望的情况下卓绝苦战多年；最后奴隶终得解放，联邦得以恢复，强大的美利坚共和国再次可以在国际上昂首挺胸„„ 凡畏缩、疏懒、不相信自己国家的人，谨小慎微丧失了斗志、挺不起腰杆子的人，无知混沌、无法像刚毅有为的人那样被振奋的人，凡是这样的人每见到国家有新的责任当前自然要望而怯步；不愿见到我们有足以应付需要的陆、海军；见到我们的士兵、水手在伟大美丽的热带岛屿上奋勇地撵走西班牙人，’承担起应有的世界责任，化混乱为秩序时也要望而怯步。这些人就是怕磨练，就是怕生活在一个有国格的国家之中；他们要的是让国无理想人无大志的安逸生涯；要不他们就是一味贪得图利之辈，以为国家的一切应以商业利益为依靠，却未能意识到商业利益诚然是不可或少的考虑因素，但只不过是使一个国家真正伟大的许多 因素之一。一个国家要想持久，它就必需有深厚的靠勤俭、经商、发展企业、刻苦经营工业而建立起来的物资财富；但还从来没有单靠物质财富就可以真正算得上伟大的国家。 所以同胞们，我要讲的是为了国家我们不能好逸恶劳。即将到来的20世纪许多国家命运未卜。如果我们仅只袖手旁观，只贪图享乐安逸，只求太平无事，如果我们每逢身心考验便望风而逃，那么比较勇敢坚强的人就会赶超我们，得以称霸世界。因此让我们勇敢地面对生活中的考验，坚定负责地做好该做的事；坚持正义，言行一致；决心诚实勇敢地为崇高理想服务，并采纳切合实际的办法。最重要的是，不能在国内外有难、对我们身心有所求时裹足不前，当然首先我们得确定危难值得一战；因为只有通过危难、通过艰苦卓绝的努力才能让我们至终成为真正伟大的国家。

推荐第5篇：美国总统就职演讲稿

美国总统就职演讲稿

参议院和众议院的同胞们：

在人生沉浮中，没有一件事能比本月14日收到根据你们的命令送达的通知更使我焦虑不安，一方面，国家召唤我出任此职，对于她的召唤，我永远只能肃然敬从；而隐退是我以挚爱心憎、满腔希望和坚定的决心选择的暮年归宿，由于爱好和习惯，且时光流逝，健康渐衰，时感体力不济，愈觉隐退之必要和可贵。另一方面，国家召唤我担负的责任如此重大和艰巨，足以使国内最有才智和经验的人度德量力，而我天资愚饨，又无民政管理的实践，理应倍觉自己能力之不足，因而必然感到难以肩此重任。怀着这种矛盾心情，我唯一敢断言的是，通过正确估计可能产生影响的各种情况来克尽厥职，乃是我忠贞不渝的努力目标。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在执行这项任务时因陶醉于往事，或因由衷感激公民们对我的高度信赖，因而受到过多影响，以致在处理从未经历过的大事时，忽视了自己的无能和消极，我的错误将会由于使我误人歧途的各种动机而减轻，而大家在评判错误的后果时；也会适当包涵产生这些动机的偏见。

我从这些高贵品格中看到了最可靠的保证：其一，任何地方偏见或地方感情，任何意见分歧或党派敌视，都不能使我们偏离全局观点和公平观点，即必须维护这个由不同地区和利益所组成的大联合；因此，其二，我国的政策将会以纯洁而坚定的个人道德原则为基础，而自由政府将会以那赢得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特点而显示其优越性。我对国家的一片热爱之心激励着我满怀喜悦地展望这幅远景，因为根据自然界的构成和发展趋势，在美德与幸福之间，责任与利益之间，恪守诚实宽厚的政策与获得社会繁荣幸福的硕果之间，有着密不可分的统一；因为我们应该同样相信，上帝亲自规定了水恒的秩序和权利法则，它决不可能对无视这些法则的国家慈祥地加以赞许；因为人们理所当然地、满怀深情地、也许是最后一次把维护神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命运，系于美国人所遵命进行的实验上。

我已将有感于这一聚会场合的想法奉告各位，现在我就要向大家告辞；但在此以前，我要再一次以谦卑的心情祈求仁慈的上帝给予帮助。因为承蒙上帝的恩赐，美国人有了深思熟虑的机会，以及为确保联邦的安全和促进幸福，用前所未有的一致意见来决定政府体制的意向；因而，同样明显的是，上帝将保佑我们扩大眼界，心平气和地进行协商，并采取明智的措施，而这些都是本届政府取得成功所必不可少的依靠。

推荐第6篇：917美国总统电台演讲稿

党的十七大提出的实现全面建设小康社会奋斗目标的新要求？

（1）正确理解“总体上的小康”和“全面建设小康社会”的联系和区别。

经过全党和全国各族人民的共同努力，20世纪末，我国人民生活总体上开始达到小康水平。在此基础上，党的十六大提出，我们要在21世纪头20年，全面建设一个惠及十几亿偷听 更高水平的小康社会的奋斗目标。

两者的联系表现为：同处于第二步到第三步的战略阶段，同处于小康阶段。

两者的区别体现在：其一，“总体小康”是指我们现在已达到的小康现状，而“全面建设小康社会”是21世纪头20年将要达到的目标。其二，总体小康还是低水平、不全面、发展很不平衡的小康；而全面建设小康是将目前低水平、不全面、发展很不平衡的小康社会，发展成为更高水平、内容比较全面、发展较为均衡的小康社会。这个目标的实现，将使我国经济更加发展、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。

（2）党的十七大顺应国内外形势的新变化和各族人民过上更好生活的新期待，把握经济社会发展趋势和规律，坚持中国特色社会主义经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设的基本目标和基本政策构成的基本纲领，对我国的发展提出了五个方面新的更高的要求。

一是增强发展协调性，努力实现经济又好又快发展。

二是扩大社会主义民主，更好地保障人民权益和社会公平正义。

三是加强文化建设，明显提高全民族文明素质。

四是加快发展社会事业，全面改善人民生活。

五是建设生态文明，基本形成节约能源资源和保护生态环境的产业结构、增长方式、消费模式。

2、如何从理论上认识社会主义市场经济与资本主义市场经济之间的关系？

社会主义市场经济与资本主义市场经济既有区别又有联系。

第一，就其联系而言，社会主义市场经济与资本主义市场经济都具有市场经济的一般特征和要求。从资源配置方式看，都是以市场为基础性配置手段；从微观层面上看，企业都是独立的市场主体和法人实体；从经济活动看，市场经济规律起着支配作用；从宏观层面上看，政府的宏观调控主要是通过经济手段来实现的；从经济运行看，法治起着基本的保障作用。正是由于市场经济具有共性，所以社会主义市场经济也应该按照这些特征和要求来进行建设。同时，发达资本主义国家在发展市场经济过程中的一切有益的做法和经验也都是值得我们借鉴和吸收的，在这一层次上，社会主义市场经济和资本主义市场经济是可以接轨的。

第二，就区别而言，社会主义市场经济和资本主义市场经济又是两种不同的社会制度与市场经济的结合，它们体现的是不同社会经济制度下的市场经济。市场经济与不同的经济制度结合就会体现出不同的制度特征。市场经济与社会主义制度相结合，就要坚持以公有制为主体、坚持按劳分配为主体，坚持以实现共同富裕为目标。离开了这些特征就不是社会主义市场经济，而资本主义市场经济则不具有这样的特征。坚持走社会主义市场经济的发展道路，建设中国特色社会主义经济，最重要的就是坚持社会主义基本制度与市场经济的结合。这是我们的创造性和特色所在。如果离开了社会作用基本制度，就会走向资本主义。

3、社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度的确立，在社会主义所有制理论上实现了那些重大的突破和创新？

社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度的确立，标志着在所有制结构理论和实践方面又有了重大突破和创新。

第一，社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度是一个有机结合的统一体。既包括作为社会主义经济基础的公有制经济，也包括非社会主义性质的其他所有制经济。没有公有制的主体地位，就不能确保我国社会的社会作用性质，不能坚持社会主义方向和道路。没有其他所有制经济，就会拖离当代中国的基本国情，脱离初级阶段的时间。因此，既不能因为公有制以外的其他经济成分不属于社会主义性质的经济而将它们排除在基本经济制度以外，也不能因为它们属于基本经济制度而认为也是社会主义经济。社会主义经济制度的确立，能够把社会主义的本质特征和初级阶段的现实要求有机统一起来，这在社会主义所有制理论上是一个重大的突破和创新，更加有利于促进社会生产力的发展，有利于巩固和发展社会主义制度。

第二，社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度的确立，体现了党对所有制理论的与时俱进。改革开放前，由于对基本国情的认识上超越了社会主义初级阶段的实际，总认为社会主义经济制度只能有社会主义性质的公有制经济构成，即使允许非公有制经济存在和一定的发展，也只能是暂时的权宜之计。改革开放后，我们党对非公有制经济的认识逐步深化，从称其为“公有制经济必要的和有益的补充”，到强调“公有制经济与多种经济成分长期共同发展是一项长期的方针”，再到党的十五大第一次明确提出“公有制为主体、多种所有制共同发展，是我国社会主义初级阶段的一项基本经济制度”。这标志着我们党对社会主义初级阶段所有制结构的认识不仅在理论上有了重大突破和创新，在实践中也使我国进入公有制实现形式多样化和多种经济成分共同发展的新阶段。

第三，建立怎样的所有制结构，实现怎样的基本经济制度，只能以是否符合“三个有利于”作为判断标准。一切符合“三个有利于”标准的所有制形式，都可以而且也应该用来为社会主义服务。

4、如何认识公有制的性质与实现形式之间的关系？

答：公有制经济的性质和实现形式是两个不同的问题。

第一，江泽民指出，要全面认识公有制经济的含义。公有制不仅包括国有经济和集体经济，还包括混合所有制经济中的国有成分和集体成分。公有制的主体地位主要体现在：公有资产在社会总资产中占优势；国有经济控制国民经济命脉，对经济发展起主导作用。这时就全局而言，有的地方、有的产业可以有所差别。公有资产占优势，要有量的优势，更要注重质的提高。对关系国民经济命脉的重要行业和关键领域，国有经济必须占支配地位。在其他领域，可以通过资产重组和结构调整，以加强重点，提高国有资产的整体质量。在这个前提下，国有经济比重就是减少一些，也不会影响我国的社会主义性质。

第二，江泽民指出，公有制实现形式可以而且应当多样化，一切反映社会化生产规律的经营方式和组织形式都可以大胆利用。要努力寻找能够极大促进生产力发展的公有制实现形式。股份制是现代企业的一种资本组织形式，有利于所有权和经营权的分离，有利于提高企业和资本的运作效率，资本主义可以用，社会主义也可以用。不能笼统地说股份制是公有还是私有，关键是看控股权掌握在谁手中。国家和集体控股，具有明显的公有性，有利于扩大公有资本的支配范围，增强公有制的主体作用。目前城乡大量出现的多种多样的股份合作制经济，是改革中的新事物，要支持和引导，不断总结经验，使之逐步完善。

第三，公有制经济的性质体现在所有权的归属上，坚持公有制的性质，根本的是坚持国家和集体对生产资料的所有权。公有制在现实中又要通过具体的形式来实现，即采取怎样的

经营方式和组织形式。公有制的性质与实现形式是两个不同层次的问题。公有制的实现形式可以而且应当多样化，一切反映社会化生产规律的经营方式和组织形式都可以大胆利用。股份制、股份合作制等都可以作为公有制经济的实现形式，只要控制权掌握在国家和集体手中，就能有效地实现公有制经济的性质。

5、结合现阶段个人收入分配制度和按劳分配的理论，对现实经济生活中个人收入出现差距的现象进行分析。

社会主义初级阶段的基本经济制度决定了与此相联系的个人收入分配实行的是按劳分配为主体、多种分配方式并存的制度。社会主义初级阶段个人收入分配制度，必须坚持按劳分配的主体地位。按劳分配以外的多种分配方式，其实质就是按生产要素的占有状况进行分配。

一是要正确看待收入分配差距。

一方面正确认识收入分配差距，我们不能脱离对市场的影响来孤立地看待和评价收入分配格局是否公平。由于社会上个人的生产要素和能力的不同，所起的作用和所做的贡献大小也不同，把贡献大小与收入分配联系起来。除了按劳分配外，应该鼓励按生产要素进行分配，在效率优先、兼顾公平的分配原则下，按贡献大小进行分配。如果不将贡献大小，而是只讲平价分配，那就不可能达到共同富裕的目标，而只会仍然共同贫穷。今天我们收入差距的拉大从某种意义上说是一种社会的进步，因为从一部分人先富起来达到共同富裕必须经过一个过程。保证收入公平的原则应该是保证人人有平等竞争的机会，因而解决当前中国收入差距拉大问题决不能采取劫富济贫的办法，而是要在加快经济发展，积极地从事“财富创造”的同时，给低收入者更多的能力和机会，给他们以平等竞争的机会。

另一方面要警惕社会分配领域中收入差距的过分扩大，甚至两极分化的现象，可能引发社会问题。总的来说，当前中国收入分配差距拉大的原因是多方面的，并非都是合理的制度安排的结果，其中也存在许多不合理和非法的因素。其一，初次分配过程中存在许多不平等的竞争，如最为突出的各种形式的行业垄断的存在；其二，收入分配再分配的手段和功能严重不足，例如对高收入调节不力，对低收入阶层缺乏有效保护；其三，灰色收入、黑色收入以及腐败等非法收入问题突出，打击力度远远不够；其四，由于地域差别的存在，东部地区比西部地区收入高，地区收入差距拉大。应该说，中国收入分配差距的出现是国民经济整体发展和提高的结果，是构建现代市场经济体制的结果，是社会主义初级阶段的必然结果，同时也是社会不公正现象的结果。从整体上看，中国的收入分配差距是社会范畴问题，其本质是劳动者先富和后富的关系，不是阶级对立的结果，积极因素及生产力发展水平起决定的作用。

二是合理调剂收入分配差距。

形成现在收入分配不合理的格局，原因是多方面的，因此，利用税收、财政等手段，调节地区、行业、部门的收入差距，缩小东、中、西部的收入差别，也必须综合治理。

第一，要社会收入分配制度的改革，从源头上解决好初次分配问题；第二，坚持效率优先，兼顾公平的原则，强化国家对收入分配的宏观调控功能；第三，要关注社会弱势群体，千方百计扩大就业，解决由失业导致的贫困问题；第四，要严厉打击贪污腐败、权钱交易等各种非法攫取社会财富的行为；第五，要以共同富裕为目标，扩大中等收入者的比重，提高

低收入者的收入水平。

总之，合理调节收入分配差距，发展经济是根本途径，“三个有利于”体现得越充分，消除贫富差距过大的社会条件就越具备，就越能增强利用税收、财政等手段调节收入分配的功能。我们既不能搞平均主义，也要防止出现两极分化，既要让一部分人先富起来，又要最终实现共同富裕。

7.如何理解转变经济发展方式，建设社会主义新农村，统筹区域发展和建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会的重大意义？

实现工业化，是我国经济发展过程中不可逾越的历史阶段。新兴工业化道路是相对于传统工业化道路而言的。新兴工业化是以信息产业为代表的现代产业的科技成果改造、提升、发展国民经济的过程，是实现人口、资源、环境、经济协调发展的新道路，重要意义在于：第一，中国能够较快地基本实现工业化，这将使世界工业化人口增加一倍，共享工业化成果，极大程度遏制南北差距拉大；第二，将有利于资源利用和环境保护，从而对世界经济的可持续发展做出重大贡献；第三，将为广大发展中国家摆脱贫困、对建立更加公正合理的国际经济新秩序从而为维护发展中国家在世界经济中的权益作出贡献，有益于世界的和平与发展。

首先，建设社会主义新农村，是贯彻落实科学发展观的重大举措。

其次，建设社会主义新农村，是确保我国现代化建设顺利推进的必然要求。

在此，建设社会主义新农村，是全面建设小康社会的重点任务。

又次，建设社会主义新农村，是保持国民经济平稳较快发展的持久动力。

最后，建设社会主义新农村，是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要基础。

统筹区域发展，促进地区协调发展，缩小区域间的发展差距，是我们经济社会发展的一重要原则。统筹区域发展，缩小区域间的发展差距，不仅是经济问题，也是政治问题，不仅关系现代化建设的全局，也关系社会稳定和国家的长治久安。坚持统筹城乡经济社会发展，逐步改变城乡二元经济结构，建设社会主义新农村，是我们党从全面建设小康社会全局出发作出的重大决策。它集中体现了我们党在新阶段“三农”工作的新理念、新思路，是对我们党长期以来特别是改革开放以来关于农业、农村、农民问题战略思想的继承和发展，是统筹城乡发展的根本措施，是新世纪新阶段解决“三农”问题的重大战略部署，为我国农村的发展展现了美好蓝图，开辟了广阔道路。

建设创新型国家，建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会的重大决策是继科教兴国和人才强国战略以来我们党提出的事关社会主义现代化建设全局的重大战略决策。既反映了我们党对世界经济、科技发展趋势和内在规律的准确把握，也反映了对我国基本国情和战略需求的科学分析。

第一，进入21世纪，在科学技术的引领和推动下，人类正经历着从工业社会向知识社会的演进。

第二，是贯彻落实科学发展观、全面建设小康社会的重大举措，是解决我国当前发展面临的突出矛盾和问题的紧迫要求。

第三，加强自主创新，建设创新型国家，是我们党综合分析世界发展大势和我国所处历史阶段提出的面向未来的重大战略。

建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会，是由我国基本国情决定的。一是我国人口多给资

源环境带来重大压力。二是我国资源相对不足、资源消耗高、利用效率低已严重制约经济社会的发展。三是我国的环境污染和生态破坏严重制约经济社会发展，威胁着人的自下而上的发展。

建设资源节约型、环境友好型社会，说到底也是协调人和自然、人和地球关系的问题。

3．为什么要坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作与政治协商制度？

中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度，是我国的一项基本政治制度，是马克思主义政党理论和统一战线学说与我国具体实际相结合的产物，是中国社会主义民主政治制度的重要组成部分。

我国的政党制度是一种社会主义的新型政党制度，是建立在公有制占主体地位的社会主义经济基础之上的。

坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度，既有利于坚持和完善中国共产党的领导，又能充分吸纳各方面的意见，集中全国人民的意志和力量，实现广泛民主和集中领导的统一，充满活力和富有效率的统一。坚持和完善这一制度，有利于调动一切积极因素，实现国家跨世纪发展宏伟目标；有利于发展社会主义民主政治；有利于妥善处理新时期人民内部矛盾，保持我国的政治稳定，经济发展，民族团结，社会进步。坚持和完善这项制度，对于巩固和发展社会主义制度，挫败西方敌对势力利用人权，民主等对我们进行的挑战，面向新世纪推进建设中国特色社会主义事业，具有重要的战略意义。

4.怎样理解中国特色社会主义文化建设的根本任务和主要内容？

中国特色社会主义文化建设的根本任务，就是以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导，全面贯彻科学发展观，着力培育有理想、有文化、有道德、有纪律的公民，切实提高全民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素质。

中国特色社会主义文化建设的主要内容包括思想道德建设和教育科学文化建设两方面。 思想道德建设，解决的是整个中华民族的精神支柱和精神动力问题。加强思想道德建设，是建设社会主义核心价值体系的必然要求，是中国特色社会主义文化建设的重要内容和中心环节。加强思想道德建设，就要加快建立和完善社会主义思想道德体系，要着力培育文明道德风尚，把先进性要求同广泛性要求结合起来，进一步加强和改进思想政治工作。

教育和科学是中国特色社会主义文化建设的重要内容，对于提高民族素质，提高社会文明程度，促进经济发展和社会全面进步具有重要作用。要坚持科学技术是第一生产力，加强科学普及，提高全社会的科学素质，尤其要繁荣哲学社会科学。要把教育摆在优先发展的位置，办好让人民群众满意的教育。同时，要深化文化体制改革，解放和发展文化生产力，大力发展文化事业和文化产业，坚持经济效益和社会效益的统一。

2.“和平统

一、一国两制”构想是如何形成和发展的？

中国共产党和中国政府一直把解决台湾问题，实现祖国完全统一，作为自己神圣的历史使命，并根据国内外形势的发展变化，适时制定和实施了对台方针政策。以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人在解决台湾问题的方针上，经历了从武力解放台湾到和平解放台湾的过程。

1949年3月，新华社发表题为《中国人民一定要解放台湾》的时评。1949年12月，明确提出1950年的任务就是解放海南岛、台湾和西藏，全歼蒋介石集团的最后残余势力。朝

鲜战争爆发，解放台湾的计划被迫搁置。

20世纪50年代中期，围绕台湾问题的国内外形势都发生了很大变化。根据形势的发展变化，我们党及时调整了对台政策，提出了和平解放台湾的主张。60年代初，周恩来将我们党提出的一系列解决台湾问题的思想、政策和主张归纳为“一纲四目”。

20世纪70年代，随着中国恢复联合国合法席位和中美建交，以邓小平为核心的第二代中央领导集体从国家和民族的根本利益出发，创造性的提出了“一国两制”的科学构想。随后逐步形成了“和平统

一、一国两制”的基本方针。

1978年12月，党的十一届三中全会公报首次以“台湾回到祖国怀抱，实行统一大业”来代替“解放台湾”的提法。1979年元旦，全国人大常委会发表《告台湾同胞书》，郑重宣示了争取祖国和平统一的大政方针，两岸关系由此揭开新的历史篇章。

1981年9月，叶剑英对新华社记者发表了被成为“叶九条”的谈话，进一步阐明了解决台湾问题的方针政策。1982年1月，邓小平指出“九条方针是以叶副主席的名义提出来的，实际上就是一个国家两种制度。”这是邓小平首次提出“和平统

一、一国两制”的概念。

1982年12月，全国人大五届五次会议通过了《中华人民共和国宪法》，其中第31条所载明的“设立特别行政区”，指得就是实行“一国两制”。这表明，实行“一国两制”有了宪法的保证。

1983年6月，邓小平在会见美籍华人学者时，进一步阐述了实现台湾和祖国大陆和平统一的构想，后来被称为“邓六条”， “邓六条”使“一国两制”构想更加完备、充实，更加具体化、系统化。

1985年3月，六届全国人大三次会议正式把“一国两制”确定为中国的一项基本国策。

5.新形势下如何努力推动两岸关系的和平发展？

2008年12月31日，胡锦涛在纪念《告台湾同胞书》发表30周年座谈会上发表重要讲话，全面系统地阐述了两岸关系和平发展的思想，明确提出了新世纪新阶段推动两岸关系和平发展的六点意见。

第一，恪守一个中国，增进政治互信。

第二，推进经济合作，促进共同发展。

第三，弘扬中华文化，加强精神纽带。

第四，加强人员往来，扩大各界交流。

第五，维护国家主权，协商涉外事务。

第六，结束敌对状态，达成和平协议。

这篇讲话是新形势下指导对台工作的纲领性文件，对进一步做好对台工作具有十分重要的指导意义。

推荐第7篇：美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿（英文版）

Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambaador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American meage.And while this reply stated that it seemed usele to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expreions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the

very life and safety of our nation.

fdrwarspeech.jpg

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congre and of the people when I aert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.

I ask that the Congre declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿（中文版）

副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：

昨天， 1941年12月7日——必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。美国和日本是和平相处的，根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。

历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。

昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁（檀香山）之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。

昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了香港。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了关岛。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。

昨夜，日本人进攻了威克岛。

今晨，日本人进攻了中途岛。

因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。

作为陆海军，总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。

但是，我们整个国家都将永远记住这次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次预谋的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。

我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。

敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。

相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心－－我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝帮助我们！我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。

推荐第8篇：美国总统林肯的演讲稿

美国总统林肯演讲稿

Inaugural Speech by Abraham Lincoln March 4th 1861

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to addre you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President \"before he enters on the execution of this office.\"

I do not consider it neceary at present for me to discu those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.

Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the acceion of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addrees you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.

Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is eential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawle invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.

I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only pre upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause \"shall be delivered up\" their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pa a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that \"the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States\"?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congre as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succeion administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great succe.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expreed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to aert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the expre provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impoible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an aociation of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by le than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Aociation in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States exprely plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was \"to form a more perfect Union.\"

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully poible, the Union is le perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself exprely enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unle my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unle it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and poe the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be neceary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top

The mails, unle repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as poible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unle current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need addre no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any poibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commiion of so fearful a mistake?

All profe to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained.Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not.Happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this.Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied.If by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one.But such is not our case.All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly aured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the Constitution that controversies never arise concerning them.But no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration.No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain expre provisions for all poible questions.Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not exprely say.May Congre prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not exprely say.Must Congre protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not exprely say.

推荐第9篇：美国总统演讲稿学英语

WASHINGTON— In this week’s addre, President Obama expreed the gratitude of the entire nation to the brave men and women who have served in the war in Iraq, and welcomed our troops home as we mark the official end to the war.This historic achievement would not be poible without the skill and dedication of the men and women of the United States Armed Forces.They prove every day that when we come together, there is nothing we cannot do.Now it’s time to follow their example, put aside partisanship, and rebuild our economy so that every American who wants to work can find a job, and everyone has the opportunity to make it if they try.

Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Addre The White House

Saturday, December 17, 2011

This week marked an historic moment in the life of our country and our military.

For nearly nine years, our nation has been at war in Iraq.More than 1.5 million Americans have served there with honor, skill, and bravery.Tens of thousands have been wounded.Military families have sacrificed greatly – none more so than the families of those nearly 4,500 Americans who made the ultimate sacrifice.All of them – our troops, veterans, and their families – will always have the thanks of a grateful nation. On Thursday, the colors our Armed Forces fought under in Iraq were formally cased in a ceremony in Baghdad before beginning their journey back home.Our troops are now preparing to make their final march acro the border and out of the country.Iraq’s future will be in the hands of its own people.Our war there will be over.All of our troops will be out of Iraq.And this holiday season, all of us can finally say: welcome home. This is an extraordinary achievement – one made poible by the hard work and sacrifice of the men and women who had the courage to serve.And there’s a leon to learn from that – a leon about our character as a nation.

See, there’s a reason our military is the most respected institution in America.They don’t see themselves or each other as Democrats first or Republicans first.They see themselves as Americans first.

For all our differences and disagreements, they remind us that we are all a part of something bigger; that we are one nation and one people.And for all our challenges, they remind us that there is nothing we can’t do when we stick together.

They’re the finest our nation has to offer.Many will remain in the military and go on to the next miion.Others will take off the uniform and become veterans.But their commitment to service doesn’t end when they take off the uniform – in fact, I’m confident the story of their service to America is just beginning.

After years of rebuilding Iraq, it is time to enlist our veterans and all our people in the work of rebuilding America.

Folks like my grandfather came back from World War II to form the backbone of the largest middle cla in history.And today’s generation of veterans – the 9/11 Generation of veterans – is armed with the skills, discipline, and leadership to attack the defining challenge of our time: rebuilding an economy where hard work pays off, where responsibility is rewarded, where anyone can make it if they try.

Now it is up to us to serve these brave men and women as well as they serve us.Every day, they meet their responsibilities to their families and their country.Now it’s time to meet ours – especially those of us who you sent to serve in Washington.This cannot be a country where division and discord stand in the way of our progre.This is a moment where we must come together to ensure that every American has the chance to work for a decent living, own their own home, send their kids to college, and secure a decent retirement.

This is a moment for us to build a country that lives up to the ideals that so many of our bravest Americans have fought and even died for.That is our highest obligation as citizens.That is the welcome home that our troops deserve.

Thank you.

推荐第10篇：美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文,中文版）

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（英文版）

President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will addre them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me aert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- namele, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankne and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is eential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And yet our distre comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind\'s goods have failed, through their own stubbornne and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happine lies not in the mere poeion of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of succe goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busine which too often has given to a sacred trust the likene of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredne of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing lo through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

We must act.We must act quickly.

And finally, in our progre towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people\'s money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congre in special seion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate aistance of the 48 States.

Through this program of action we addre ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and neceity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest aurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progre can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes poible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I aume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is poible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lo of eential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stre of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congre may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But, in the event that the Congre shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congre for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no le.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousne of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the aurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the -- the future of eential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the bleing of God.

May He protect each and every one of us.

May He guide me in the days to come.

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿（中文版）

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们： 今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。

是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。

如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。

我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。

明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。

最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。

以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。

通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。

指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。

在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。

如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。

有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。

而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

第11篇：美国总统布什就职演讲稿

美国总统布什就职演讲稿

Thank you!

Chief Justice Rehnquist, President Carter, President Bush ， President Clinton, distinguished guests and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country.With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.

As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.

I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America\'s leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We have a place, all of us, in a long story -- a story we continue, but whose end we will not see.It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not poe, to defend but not to conquer.

It is the American story -- a story of flawed and fallible people, united acro the generations by grand and enduring ideals.

The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.

Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws.And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

Through much of the last century, America\'s faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea.Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.

Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pa along.And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.

While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country.The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth.And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.

We do not accept this, and we will not allow it.Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation.And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.

I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than our selves who creates us equal in His image.

And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.

America has never been united by blood or birth or soil.We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens.Every child must be taught these principles.Every citizen must uphold them.And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not le, American.

Today, we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation\'s promise through civility, courage, compaion and character.

America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility.A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgivene.

Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.

But the stakes for America are never small.If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led.If we do not turn the hearts of children

toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism.If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.

We must live up to the calling we share.Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment.It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos.And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

America, at its best, is also courageous.

Our national courage has been clear in times of depreion and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good.Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us.We must show courage in a time of bleing by confronting problems instead of paing them on to future generations.

Together, we will reclaim America\'s schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.

We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent.And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.

We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakne invite challenge.We will confront weapons of ma destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.

The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power thatf avors freedom.We will defend our allies and our interests.We will show purpose without arrogance.We will meet aggreion and bad faith with resolve and strength.And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.

America, at its best, is compaionate.In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation\'s promise.

And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.

And the proliferation of prisons, however neceary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.

Where there is suffering, there is duty.Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens, not problems, but priorities.And all of us are diminished when any are hopele.

Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools.Yet compaion is the work of a nation, not just a government.

And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor\'s touch or a pastor\'s prayer.Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.

Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.

And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on

the road to Jericho, we will not pa to the other side.

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience.And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment.We find the fullne of life not only in options, but in commitments.And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.

Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairne, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.

Sometimes in life we are called to do great things.But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love.The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.

I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compaion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.

In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.

What you do is as important as anything government does.I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor.I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.

Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves.When this spirit of citizenship is miing, no government program can replace it.When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: \"We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong.Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?\"

Much time has paed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration.The yearsand changes accumulate.But the themes of this day he would know: our nation\'s grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.

We are not this story\'s author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose.Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.

Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.

This work continues.This story goes on.And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God ble you all, and God ble America.

第12篇：英语演讲稿美国总统林肯

I am honored to be with you today for your commencement from one of the finest universities in the world.Truth be told, I never graduated from college.And this is the closest I\'ve ever gotten to a college graduation.Today I want to tell you three stories from my life.That\'s it.No big deal.Just three stories.

今天，我很荣幸能和你们一起参加毕业典礼，斯坦福大学是世界上最好的大学之一。说实话，（虽然）我从来没有从大学中毕业，但今天是我生命中离大学毕业最近的一天了。今天我想向你们讲述我生活中的三个故事。不说大道理，就是三个故事而已。

The first story is about connecting the dots.

第一个故事是关于如何把生命中的点点滴滴串连起来。

I dropped out of Reed College after the first 6 months, but then stayed around as a drop-in for another 18 months or so before I really quit.So why did I drop out?

我在里德学院读了六个月之后就退学了，但是在十八个月以后，我还经常去学校。我为什么要退学呢？

It started before I was born.My biological mother was a young, unwed college graduate student, and she decided to put me up for adoption.She felt very strongly that I should be adopted by college graduates, so everything was all set for me to be adopted at birth by a lawyer and his wife.Except that when I popped out they decided at the last minute that they really wanted a girl.So my parents, who were on a waiting list, got a call in the middle of the night asking: \"We have an unexpected baby boy; do

you want him?\" They said: \"Of course.\" My biological mother later found out that my mother had never graduated from college and that my father had never graduated from high school.She refused to sign the final adoption papers.She only relented a few months later when my parents promised that I would someday go to college.This was the start in my life.故事要从我的出生说起。我的亲生母亲是一名年轻未婚的大学毕业生。她决定让别人收养我，她十分想让大学毕业生收养我。所以在我出生前，她已经准备一切，让一位律师和他的妻子收养。但是她没有料到，在我出生后，律师夫妇突然决定要一个女孩。所以，我的养父养母（他们当时还在候选名单上）突然在半夜接到了一个电话：“我们有一个意外降生的男婴，你们想收养他吗？”他们回答说： “当然！” 但是我亲生母亲随后发现，我的养母从未上过大学，我的养父高中没毕业。于是她拒绝签订收养合同。但在几个月以后，因为我的养父养母答应她一定要让我上大学，她才心软同意了。

And 17 years later I did go to college.But I naively chose a college that was almost as expensive as Stanford, and all of my working-cla parents\' savings were being spent on my college tuition.After six months, I couldn\'t see the value in it.I had no idea what I wanted to do with my life and no idea how college was going to help me figure it out.And here I was spending all of the money my parents had saved their entire life.So I decided to drop out and would all work out OK.It was pretty scary at the time, but looking back it was one of the best decisions I ever made.The minute I dropped out I could stop taking the required claes that didn\'t interest me, and begin dropping in on the ones that looked far more interesting.在十七岁那年，我的确上大学了。但我天真地选择了一个几乎和斯坦福大学一样贵的学校，我父母还处于工薪阶层，为了交学费，他们几乎耗光所有积蓄。六个月后，我几乎看不到在学校的价值。我不知道（我生命中）要追求什么，我也不知道学校是否能帮我找到答案。但在学校，我将花光我父母这一辈子的积蓄。所以，我决定退学，并且我相信车到山前必有路。（不可否认），我当时非常害怕，但现在回头来看，这个决定是我一生中最明智决定之一。在我做出退学决定后，我再也不用去上那些我丝毫没有兴趣的必修课，我开始去听那些看起来有趣的课程。

It wasn\'t all romantic.I didn\'t have a dorm room, so I slept on the floor in friends\' rooms, I returned coke bottles for the 5￠ deposits to buy food with, and I would walk the 7 miles acro town every Sunday night to get one good meal a week at the Hare Krishna temple.I loved it.And much of what I stumbled into by following my curiosity and intuition turned out to be pricele later on.Let me give you one example:

这一点也不浪漫。没了宿舍，所以我要到朋友家睡地板；为了填饱肚子，我捡过值5美分的可乐罐；为了每周一顿的好一点的饭，每个星期天晚上，我穿街过巷，步行7英里到Hare Krishna教堂。我喜欢那里的饭菜。在好奇和直觉的引导下，我跌跌撞撞地遇到很多东西，这些后来被证明是无价瑰宝。我给你们举一个例子吧：

Reed College at that time offered perhaps the best calligraphy instruction in the country.Throughout the campus every poster, every label on every drawer, was beautifully hand calligraphed.Because I had dropped out and didn\'t have to take the normal claes, I decided to take a calligraphy cla to learn how to do this.I learned about serif and san serif typefaces, about varying the amount of space between different letter combinations, about what makes great typography great.It was beautiful,

historical, artistically subtle in a way that science can\'t capture, and I found it fascinating.

那时候，里德学院的书法课程也许是全美最好的。学校里的每个海报，抽屉上的每个标签，上面全都是漂亮的书法。因为我退学了，没有了正常的课程，所以我决定去上/书法课，去学学怎样写出漂亮的字。我学到了san serif 和serif字体，我学会了怎么样在不同的字母组合之中变化间距，还有怎么样做最好的版式。那种美感、真实感和艺术感，是科学永远不能捕捉到的，（我发现）那实在是太迷人了。

None of this had even a hope of any practical application in my life.But ten years later, when we were designing the first Macintosh computer, it all came back to me.And we designed it all into the Mac.It was the first computer with beautiful typography.If I had never dropped in on that single course in college, the Mac would have never had multiple typefaces or proportionally spaced fonts.And since Windows just copied the Mac, its likely that no personal computer would have them.If I had never dropped out, I would have never dropped in on this calligraphy cla, and personal computers might not have the wonderful typography that they do.Of course it was impoible to connect the dots looking forward when I was in college.But it was very, very clear looking backwards ten years later.

当时这些东西似乎在我生命中没什么可用之处。但十年之后，当我们在设计第一台Macintosh计算机的时候，就全部派上用场。我把当时我学的那些东西全都融入到Mac。那是拥有漂亮字体的第一台计算机。如果我当时没有退学，我没机会沉迷于书法课程，Mac就不会有种类繁多或的行距整齐的字体。如果Windows没有抄袭Mac，个人电脑很可能就不会这么多字体。如果我没有退学，

我不会沉迷于书法课程，个人电脑很可能就不会这么多字体。当然了，我在学校的时候不可能把这些点点滴滴提前串连起来。但在十年之后回顾过去，这些东西历历在目。

Again, you can\'t connect the dots looking forward; you can only connect them looking backwards.So you have to trust that the dots will somehow connect in your future.You have to trust in something — your gut, destiny, life, karma, whatever.This approach has never let me down, and it would made all the difference.

再说一次，你不可能把这些点点滴滴提前串连起来；你只能在回顾的时候把它们串连起来。所以你必须相信这些点点滴滴是和你的未来项链的。你必须要相信某些东西：直觉、命运、生命、因缘等等。这个方法从未让我失望过，它让我与众不同。

第13篇：美国总统

历届美国总统

1789年4月30日，乔治·华盛顿总统：在室外露天举行总统就职宣誓；他的誓言之一“上帝，请神协助我”，后来成为历届总统宣誓就职的惯例；宣誓完毕后亲吻《圣经》，也为后来的总统开创了先例；因为公共事务繁忙，就职舞会推迟到5月7日举行，总统夫人玛撒没有前往纽约参加。1793年3月4日，乔治·华盛顿总统再次就任：发表了最简短的总统就职演说(135个字)。1797年3月4日，约翰·亚当斯总统：第一位由总检查长带领宣誓的美国总统(总检查长名叫奥尼佛·埃斯沃斯)。1801年3月4日，托马斯·杰斐逊总统：开创了向国会写信接受就职典礼并对典礼时间作出安排的先例；第一位可能也是最后一位走着去参加就职典礼的总统；第一位在华盛顿国会大厦举行就职典礼的美国总统；总统就职演说第一次在报纸特刊上刊载。1809年3月4日，詹姆士·麦迪逊总统：第一次在就职典礼当日举行庆祝舞会；创立了由美国海军军乐队为就职舞会奏乐的惯例。1817年3月4日，詹姆士·门罗总统：第一位在华盛顿户外举行露天宣誓的美国总统。1829年3月4日，安德鲁·杰克逊总统：第一位在国会大厦东门廊举行就职宣誓的美国总统。1837年3月4日，马丁·范布伦总统：离任及接任总统(杰克逊与范布伦)第一次乘同一辆马车前往国会大厦参加就职庆典；庆典游行上第一次出现花车；第一次举行两场庆祝舞会。1841年3月4日，威廉·亨利·哈里森总统：发表了美国历史上最长的就职演说(10000字)；打破了美国的惯例，哈里森先发表就职演说，然后宣誓，然后又接着发表就职演说；第一次由官方规划在国会大厦举行庆典游行，游行及就职庆典规划委员会由获胜政党在当地的政治组织组成。1841年4月6日，约翰·泰勒总统：第一位因现任总统死亡而入主白宫的美国总统。1845年3月4日，詹姆斯·K·波尔克总统：就职演说第一次通过电报向全国发送。1853年3月4日，富兰克林·皮尔斯总统：确定就任美国总统(而不是宣誓)；打破惯例，没有亲吻《圣经》，只是将左手放在《圣经》上；第一位脱稿发表就职演说的美国总统。1857年3月4日，詹姆斯·布坎南总统总统：就职第一次被拍成照片；举行了一场盛大的庆祝舞会，共有6000名贵宾出席，消耗了价值3000美元的葡萄酒、400加仑牡蛎、500夸脱鸡肉色拉、1200夸脱冰淇淋、60只羊、8卷牛肉、75只火腿以及125只猪舌。1865年3月4日，亚伯拉罕·林肯总统：非裔美国人第一次参加总统就职庆典游行。1865年4月15日，安德鲁·约翰逊总统：因为总统死亡，约翰逊是第一位由总检查长带领宣誓就任总统的副总统。1869年3月4日及1873年3月4日，尤利塞斯·S·格兰特总统：第一次邀请各州州长参加就职典礼；天气最为寒冷的就职典礼，当天中午气温只有16度，风速达到40米/秒；1877年3月3日及1877年3月5日，拉瑟福德·B·海斯总统：第一位在白宫宣誓就职的美国总统；第一位在就职典礼前宣誓就职的美国总统(因为当天是星期天)，即3月3日(周六)私下宣誓就任总统，3月5日(星期一)举行公开宣誓就职。1881年3月4日，詹姆斯·加菲尔德总统：总统的母亲第一次出席总统就职庆典；总统第一次在白宫前对军队进行检阅。1897年3月4日，威廉·麦金莱总统：第一次用电影摄像机录下总统就职典礼。1901年3月4日，威廉·麦金莱总统：众议院第一次获准与参议院一起安排总统就职庆典相关情况。1901年9月14日，西奥多·罗斯福总统：第一位没有在《圣经》面前宣誓的美国总统，罗斯福在安斯利·威尔科斯的家中举行了就职宣誓，据威尔科斯1903年称，“据我所知，罗斯福总统宣誓时没有使用《圣经》，他只是举起了自己的左手”。1905年3月4日，西奥多·罗斯福总统：第一次在国会大厦总统就职庆典上使用电话。1909年3月4日，威廉·H·塔夫脱总统：总统夫人第一次与总统一起从国会大厦前往白宫；就职庆典游行上第一次出现汽车；第一次使用临时照明灯具将圆形屋顶照亮。1913年3月4日，伍德罗·威尔逊总统：暂停传统的就职庆典舞会。1917年3月4日及1917年3月5日，伍德罗·威尔逊总统：打破传统，第一次在星期日举行总统就职宣誓；妇女第一次参加就职庆典游行。1921年3月4日，沃伦·甘梅利尔·哈定总统：总统第一次乘

汽车前往参加就职典礼；就职典礼上第一次使用扩音器；第一次使用钢框架的就职庆典站台，一直使用到1981年。1923年8月3日，卡尔文·柯立芝总统：第一次由总统的父亲带领宣誓，柯立芝的父亲是佛蒙特州的一位治安官。1925年3月4日，卡尔文·柯立芝总统：第一次由前总统(威廉·塔夫特)带领当选总统宣誓就职；总统就职典礼第一次通过广播在全国进行直播。1929年3月4日，赫伯特·克拉克·胡佛总统：第一次用有声记录影片拍摄总统就职典礼。1937年1月20日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统：第一位在1月20日宣誓就职的美国总统，这一规定是根据美国宪法第20条修正案制定的；副总统第一次与总统一起举行就职宣誓，但副总统不能发表就职演说。1941年1月20日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统：第一位三次举行就职宣誓的美国总统。1945年1月10日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统：第一位也是最后一位四次举行就职宣誓的美国总统。1949年1月20日，哈里·S·杜鲁门总统：总统就职典礼第一次通过电视直播；第二次世界大战后再次启动官方就职庆典舞会。1953年1月20日，德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔总统：打破传统，用祈祷代替亲吻《圣经》；第一次抛弃黑色礼帽，改以汉堡帽出席总统就职庆典。1957年1月20日、21日，德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔总统：第一次以宪法的形式对总统就职庆典予以限制(宪法第22条修正案)；第一次在国会大厦的高等法院礼堂举行总统午宴。1961年1月20日，约翰·肯尼迪总统：第一位在国会大厦东侧举行就职仪式的美国总统；第一次邀请诗人(罗伯特·弗罗斯特)出席官方就职庆典；总统的父母第一次参加当选总统的就职仪式；作为第一位信仰天主教的美国总统，肯尼迪在就职典礼上使用天主教版本的《圣经》进行宣誓；空军军乐队第一次出现在游行队伍当中；就职典礼第一次通过彩色电视直播；第一次举行五场庆祝舞会；最后一个戴传统礼帽参加就职庆典的美国总统。1963年11月22日，林登·约翰逊总统：总统第一次在飞机上宣誓就职；第一次由女性带领总统宣誓就职，这名女性是德克萨斯州法官萨拉·哈格斯女士。1965年1月20日，林登·约翰逊总统：第一次在国会大厦设置新闻发布室；第一次使用防弹轿车。1969年1月20日，理查德·尼克松总统：总统第一次使用两部《圣经》宣誓。1974年8月9日，杰拉尔德·福特总统：第一位非选举产生的副总统接任总统；第一位根据美国宪法第25条修正案入主白宫的美国总统，该修正案规定，总统辞职后，由副总统接任总统职位。1977年1月20日，吉米·卡特总统：离任总统第一次乘直升机从国会大厦离开；检阅台第一次使用太阳能；制定残疾人观看游行规则。1981年1月20日，罗纳德·里根总统：就职典礼前一天在西草坪举行室外音乐会；第一次在电视转播中插上文字，以方便听力障碍人士观看；电视直播了午餐会部分情况；第一次举行9场庆祝舞会；第一次在立法机关大楼举行庆祝舞会；第一次通过卫星向全国直播庆祝舞会。1985年1月20日及21日，罗纳德·里根总统：第一次在1月20日的星期天举行就职典礼；《圣经》第一次放在专为林肯而建造的大理石桌上，这张大理石桌建于1860年；在总统从国会大厦前往白宫途中，第一次在豪华轿车中安放摄像机；有记录以来最冷的一次就职庆典，中午气温只有7度。1989年1月20日，乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什总统：当时最为昂贵的就职典礼。1997年1月20日，比尔·克林顿总统：总统就职仪式第一次通过互联网直播；第一次在马丁·路德·金纪念日举行总统就职典礼。2001年1月20日,布什总统,现在仍然在任.总统英文名及就任年限:1.George Washington 乔治·华盛顿: 1789-17972.John Adams 约翰·亚当斯: 1797-1801

3.Thomas Jefferson托马斯·杰斐逊 : 1801-18094.James Madison 詹姆斯·麦迪逊: 1809-18175.James Monroe 詹姆斯·门罗: 1817-18257.Andrew Jackson 安德鲁·杰克逊: 1829-18378.Martin van Buren 马丁·范布伦: 1837-18419.William Henry Harrison 威廉亨利·哈里森: 1841-184110.John Tyler 约翰·泰勒: 1841-1845

11.James K.Polk 詹姆斯·波尔克: 1845-184912.Zachary Taylor 扎卡里·泰勒: 1849-1850

13.Millard Fillmore 米勒德·菲尔莫尔: 1850-185314.Franklin Pierce 富兰克林·皮尔斯:

1853-185715.James Buchanan 詹姆斯·布坎南: 1857-186116.Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕·林肯: 1861-186517.Andrew Johnson 安德鲁·约翰逊: 1865-186918.Ulyes S.Grant 尤利塞斯·格兰特: 1869-187719.Rutherford B.Hayes 拉塞福德·海斯: 1877-188120.James A.Garfield 詹姆斯·加菲尔德: 1881-188121.Chester A.Arthur 切斯特·阿瑟: 1881-188522.Grover Cleveland 格罗弗·克利夫兰: 1885-1889

23.Benjamin Harrison 本杰明·哈里森: 1889-189324.Grover Cleveland 格罗弗·克利夫兰: 1893-189725.William McKinley 威廉·麦金利 : 1897-190126.Theodore Roosevelt 西奥多·罗斯福: 1901-190927.William H.Taft 威廉·塔夫脱: 1909-191328.Woodrow Wilson 伍德罗·威尔逊: 1913-192129.Warren G.Harding 沃伦·哈定: 1921-1923

30.Calvin Coolidge 卡尔文·柯立芝: 1923-192931.Herbert C.Hoover 赫泊特·胡佛: 1929-193332.Franklin D.Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福: 1933-194533.Harry S.Truman 哈里·杜鲁门: 1945-195334.Dwight D.Eisenhower德怀特·艾森豪威尔: 1953-196135.John F.Kennedy 约翰·肯尼迪: 1961-196336.Lyndon B.Johnson 林顿·约翰逊: 1963-196937.Richard M.Nixon 理查德·尼克松: 1969-197438.Gerald Ford 杰拉尔德·福特: 1974-197739.Jimmy Carter 小詹姆斯·卡特: 1977-1981

40.Ronald Reagan 罗纳德·里根 : 1981-198941.George Bush 乔治·布什: 1989-1993

42.Bill Clinton 比尔·克林顿 : 1993-200143.George W.Bush 乔治·W·布什: 2001-词条图册更多图册

1.乔治·华盛顿George Washington(1789—1797)美国开国元勋，领导美国人民赢得独立，制订宪法，创建国家，担任首任总统，公众尊称他为“国父”、“摩西第二”。

第14篇：美国总统

历届美国总统

1789年4月30日，乔治·华盛顿总统：在室外露天举行总统就职宣誓；他的誓言之一“上帝，请神协助我”，后来成为历届总统宣誓就职的惯例；宣誓完毕后亲吻《圣经》，也为后来的总统开创了先例；因为公共事务繁忙，就职舞会推迟到5月7日举行，总统夫人玛撒没有前往纽约参加。

1793年3月4日，乔治·华盛顿总统再次就任：发表了最简短的总统就职演说(135个字)。

1797年3月4日，约翰·亚当斯总统：第一位由总检查长带领宣誓的美国总统(总检查长名叫奥尼佛·埃斯沃斯)。

1801年3月4日，托马斯·杰斐逊总统：开创了向国会写信接受就职典礼并对典礼时间作出安排的先例；第一位可能也是最后一位走着去参加就职典礼的总统；第一位在华盛顿国会大厦举行就职典礼的美国总统；总统就职演说第一次在报纸特刊上刊载。

1809年3月4日，詹姆士·麦迪逊总统：第一次在就职典礼当日举行庆祝舞会；创立了由美国海军军乐队为就职舞会奏乐的惯例。

1817年3月4日，詹姆士·门罗总统：第一位在华盛顿户外举行露天宣誓的美国总统。

1829年3月4日，安德鲁·杰克逊总统：第一位在国会大厦东门廊举行就职宣誓的美国总统。

1837年3月4日，马丁·范布伦总统：离任及接任总统(杰克逊与范布伦)第一次乘同一辆马车前往国会大厦参加就职庆典；庆典游行上第一次出现花车；第一次举行两场庆祝舞会。

1841年3月4日，威廉·亨利·哈里森总统：发表了美国历史上最长的就职演说(10000字)；打破了美国的惯例，哈里森先发表就职演说，然后宣誓，然后又接着发表就职演说；第一次由官方规划在国会大厦举行庆典游行，游行及就职庆典规划委员会由获胜政党在当地的政治组织组成。

1841年4月6日，约翰·泰勒总统：第一位因现任总统死亡而入主白宫的美国总统。

1845年3月4日，詹姆斯·K·波尔克总统：就职演说第一次通过电报向全国发送。

1853年3月4日，富兰克林·皮尔斯总统：确定就任美国总统(而不是宣誓)；打破惯例，没有亲吻《圣经》，只是将左手放在《圣经》上；第一位脱稿发表就职演说的美国总统。

1857年3月4日，詹姆斯·布坎南总统总统：就职第一次被拍成照片；举行了一场盛大的庆祝舞会，共有6000名贵宾出席，消耗了价值3000美元的葡萄酒、400加仑牡蛎、500夸脱鸡肉色拉、1200夸脱冰淇淋、60只羊、8卷牛肉、75只火腿以及125只猪舌。

1865年3月4日，亚伯拉罕·林肯总统：非裔美国人第一次参加总统就职庆典游行。

1865年4月15日，安德鲁·约翰逊总统：因为总统死亡，约翰逊是第一位由总检查长带领宣誓就任总统的副总统。

1869年3月4日及1873年3月4日，尤利塞斯·S·格兰特总统：第一次邀请各州州长参加就职典礼；天气最为寒冷的就职典礼，当天中午气温只有16度，风速达到40米/秒；

1877年3月3日及1877年3月5日，拉瑟福德·B·海斯总统：第一位在白宫宣誓就职的美国总统；第一位在就职典礼前宣誓就职的美国总统(因为当天是星期天)，即3月3日(周六)私下宣誓就任总统，3月5日(星期一)举行公开宣誓就职。

1881年3月4日，詹姆斯·加菲尔德总统：总统的母亲第一次出席总统就职庆典；总统第一次在白宫前对军队进行检阅。

1897年3月4日，威廉·麦金莱总统：第一次用电影摄像机录下总统就职典礼。

1901年3月4日，威廉·麦金莱总统：众议院第一次获准与参议院一起安排总统就职庆典相关情况。

1901年9月14日，西奥多·罗斯福总统：第一位没有在《圣经》面前宣誓的美国总统，罗斯福在安斯利·威尔科斯的家中举行了就职宣誓，据威尔科斯1903年称，“据我所知，罗斯福总统宣誓时没有使用《圣经》，他只是举起了自己的左手”。

1905年3月4日，西奥多·罗斯福总统：第一次在国会大厦总统就职庆典上使用电话。

1909年3月4日，威廉·H·塔夫脱总统：总统夫人第一次与总统一起从国会大厦前往白宫；就职庆典游行上第一次出现汽车；第一次使用临时照明灯具将圆形屋顶照亮。

1913年3月4日，伍德罗·威尔逊总统：暂停传统的就职庆典舞会。

1917年3月4日及1917年3月5日，伍德罗·威尔逊总统：打破传统，第一次在星期日举行总统就职宣誓；妇女第一次参加就职庆典游行。

1921年3月4日，沃伦·甘梅利尔·哈定总统：总统第一次乘汽车前往参加就职典礼；就职典礼上第一次使用扩音器；第一次使用钢框架的就职庆典站台，一直使用到1981年。

1923年8月3日，卡尔文·柯立芝总统：第一次由总统的父亲带领宣誓，柯立芝的父亲是佛蒙特州的一位治安官。

1925年3月4日，卡尔文·柯立芝总统：第一次由前总统(威廉·塔夫特)带领当选总统宣誓就职；总统就职典礼第一次通过广播在全国进行直播。

1929年3月4日，赫伯特·克拉克·胡佛总统：第一次用有声记录影片拍摄总统就职典礼。

1937年1月20日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统：第一位在1月20日宣誓就职的美国总统，这一规定是根据美国宪法第20条修正案制定的；副总统第一次与总统一起举行就职宣誓，但副总统不能发表就职演说。

1941年1月20日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统：第一位三次举行就职宣誓的美国总统。

1945年1月10日，富兰克林·罗斯福总统：第一位也是最后一位四次举行就职宣誓的美国总统。

1949年1月20日，哈里·S·杜鲁门总统：总统就职典礼第一次通过电视直播；第二次世界大战后再次启动官方就职庆典舞会。

1953年1月20日，德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔总统：打破传统，用祈祷代替亲吻《圣经》；第一次抛弃黑色礼帽，改以汉堡帽出席总统就职庆典。

1957年1月20日、21日，德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔总统：第一次以宪法的形式对总统就职庆典予以限制(宪法第22条修正案)；第一次在国会大厦的高等法院礼堂举行总统午宴。

1961年1月20日，约翰·肯尼迪总统：第一位在国会大厦东侧举行就职仪式的美国总统；第一次邀请诗人(罗伯特·弗罗斯特)出席官方就职庆典；总统的父母第一次参加当选总统的就职仪式；作为第一位信仰天主教的美国总统，肯尼迪在就职典礼上使用天主教版本的《圣经》进行宣誓；空军军乐队第一次出现在游行队伍当中；就职典礼第一次通过彩色电视直播；第一次举行五场庆祝舞会；最后一个戴传统礼帽参加就职庆典的美国总统。

1963年11月22日，林登·约翰逊总统：总统第一次在飞机上宣誓就职；第一次由女性带领总统宣誓就职，这名女性是德克萨斯州法官萨拉·哈格斯女士。

1965年1月20日，林登·约翰逊总统：第一次在国会大厦设置新闻发布室；第一次使用防弹轿车。

1969年1月20日，理查德·尼克松总统：总统第一次使用两部《圣经》宣誓。

1974年8月9日，杰拉尔德·福特总统：第一位非选举产生的副总统接任总统；第一位根据美国宪法第25条修正案入主白宫的美国总统，该修正案规定，总统辞职后，由副总统接任总统职位。

1977年1月20日，吉米·卡特总统：离任总统第一次乘直升机从国会大厦离开；检阅台第一次使用太阳能；制定残疾人观看游行规则。

1981年1月20日，罗纳德·里根总统：就职典礼前一天在西草坪举行室外音乐会；第一次在电视转播中插上文字，以方便听力障碍人士观看；电视直播了午餐会部分情况；第一次举行9场庆祝舞会；第一次在立法机关大楼举行庆祝舞会；第一次通过卫星向全国直播庆祝舞会。

1985年1月20日及21日，罗纳德·里根总统：第一次在1月20日的星期天举行就职典礼；《圣经》第一次放在专为林肯而建造的大理石桌上，这张大理石桌建于1860年；在总统从国会大厦前往白宫途中，第一次在豪华轿车中安放摄像机；有记录以来最冷的一次就职庆典，中午气温只有7度。

1989年1月20日，乔治·赫伯特·沃克·布什总统：当时最为昂贵的就职典礼。

1997年1月20日，比尔·克林顿总统：总统就职仪式第一次通过互联网直播；第一次在马丁·路德·金纪念日举行总统就职典礼。

2001年1月20日,布什总统,现在仍然在任.

总统英文名及就任年限:

1.George Washington 乔治·华盛顿: 1789-1797

2.John Adams 约翰·亚当斯: 1797-1801 3.Thomas Jefferson托马斯·杰斐逊 : 1801-1809

4.James Madison 詹姆斯·麦迪逊: 1809-1817

5.James Monroe 詹姆斯·门罗: 1817-1825

7.Andrew Jackson 安德鲁·杰克逊: 1829-1837

8.Martin van Buren 马丁·范布伦: 1837-1841

9.William Henry Harrison 威廉亨利·哈里森: 1841-1841

10.John Tyler 约翰·泰勒: 1841-1845 11.James K.Polk 詹姆斯·波尔克: 1845-1849

12.Zachary Taylor 扎卡里·泰勒: 1849-1850 13.Millard Fillmore 米勒德·菲尔莫尔: 1850-1853

14.Franklin Pierce 富兰克林·皮尔斯:

1853-1857

15.James Buchanan 詹姆斯·布坎南: 1857-1861

16.Abraham Lincoln 亚伯拉罕·林肯: 1861-1865

17.Andrew Johnson 安德鲁·约翰逊: 1865-1869

18.Ulyes S.Grant 尤利塞斯·格兰特: 1869-1877

19.Rutherford B.Hayes 拉塞福德·海斯: 1877-1881

20.James A.Garfield 詹姆斯·加菲尔德: 1881-1881

21.Chester A.Arthur 切斯特·阿瑟: 1881-1885

22.Grover Cleveland 格罗弗·克利夫兰: 1885-1889 23.Benjamin Harrison 本杰明·哈里森: 1889-1893

24.Grover Cleveland 格罗弗·克利夫兰: 1893-1897

25.William McKinley 威廉·麦金利 : 1897-1901

26.Theodore Roosevelt 西奥多·罗斯福: 1901-1909

27.William H.Taft 威廉·塔夫脱: 1909-1913

28.Woodrow Wilson 伍德罗·威尔逊: 1913-1921

29.Warren G.Harding 沃伦·哈定: 1921-1923 30.Calvin Coolidge 卡尔文·柯立芝: 1923-1929

31.Herbert C.Hoover 赫泊特·胡佛: 1929-1933

32.Franklin D.Roosevelt 富兰克林·罗斯福: 1933-1945

33.Harry S.Truman 哈里·杜鲁门: 1945-1953

34.Dwight D.Eisenhower德怀特·艾森豪威尔: 1953-1961

35.John F.Kennedy 约翰·肯尼迪: 1961-1963

36.Lyndon B.Johnson 林顿·约翰逊: 1963-1969

37.Richard M.Nixon 理查德·尼克松: 1969-1974

38.Gerald Ford 杰拉尔德·福特: 1974-1977

39.Jimmy Carter 小詹姆斯·卡特: 1977-1981 40.Ronald Reagan 罗纳德·里根 : 1981-1989

41.George Bush 乔治·布什: 1989-1993 42.Bill Clinton 比尔·克林顿 : 1993-2001

43.George W.Bush 乔治·W·布什: 2001-词条图册更多图册

1.乔治·华盛顿George Washington(1789—1797)美国开国元勋，领导美国人民赢得独立，制订宪法，创建国家，担任首任总统，公众尊称他为“国父”、“摩西第二”。2.约翰·亚当斯John Adams(1797—1801)极力赞成13州宣布独立，并积极参与起草和领导辩论而通过独立宣言，公众尊称他为“独立擎天柱”、“革命建筑师”。3.托马斯·杰弗逊Thomas Jefferson(1801—1809)他参与起草独立宣言，当选总统之后，坚信个人权力和自由，把民主政治向前推进一大步，公众尊称他为“革命斗士”、“民主巨擘”。4.詹姆斯·麦迪逊James Madison(1809—1817)他对宪法制定、通过、批准尽力最多，公众尊称他为“宪法之父”。5.詹姆斯·门罗James Monroe(1817—1825)他是革命战争年代最后一位任总统的人，人们尊称他为“革命先贤最后一人”。6.约翰·昆西·亚当斯John Quincy Adams(1825—1829)他是一个道德和生活都很严谨的人，人们称其为“清教徒”。7.安德鲁·杰克逊Andrew Jackson (1829—1837)他在战争中立下汗马功劳，在新奥尔良之役打败英军，成为举国闻名的英雄，当选总统后，具有领袖魅力，深受人民爱戴，被公众尊称为“老英雄”和“人民的总统”。8.马丁·范布伦Martin Van Buren(1837—1841)他从当纽约州长到协助杰克逊当选总统并出任国务卿，进而当副总统、总统，人称“小大人物”(身高1.67米左右)、“老练政客”。9.威廉·亨利·哈里森William H.Harrison(1841) 1811年，他在印第安纳州打败肖尼印第安人，人称“提帕卡农英雄”。他不久即患肺炎，在他宣誓就职后1个月即告去世10.约翰·泰勒John Tyler (1841—1845)11.詹姆斯·K·波尔克James K.Polk(1845—1849)他是美国政治历史上第一匹“黑马”总统候选人，任职期间孜孜不倦，人称“黑马波尔克”、“辛苦工作的波尔克”。12.扎卡里·泰勒Zachary Taylor(1949—1850)他军旅生涯40年，屡建奇功，人称他当总统“老粗而管用”。13.米勒德·菲尔莫尔Millard Fillmore (1850—1853)14.富兰克林·皮尔斯Franklin Pierce (1853—1857)他因容貌英俊，被人称为“美男子富兰克林”。15.詹姆斯·布坎南James Buchanan (1857—1861)他终生未娶，人称“老光棍”。16.亚伯拉罕·林肯Abraham Lincoln (1861—1865)他不矫揉造作，说话、办事老实。1863年发布奴隶解放令，公众尊称

他为“诚实的老亚伯”和“伟大的解放者”。他在连任期内遇刺身亡17.安德鲁·约翰逊Andrew Johnson (1865—1869)18.尤利塞斯·S·格兰特Ulyes S.Grant(1869—1877)每战必胜，公众称他为“无敌尤利西斯”，又因他接受李将军投降，结束4年内战，被称为“阿波麦托克斯英雄”。19.拉瑟福德·B·海斯Rutherford B.Hayes (1877—1881)内战期间，他表现勇敢，数次受伤，人称“勇敢的拉塞福德”。20.詹姆斯·A·加菲尔德James A.Garfield (1881)他遵母命奋发读书当了总统，人称“运河少年郎总统”。于1881年7月2日被一位曾经申请领事职务未获批准的失业者吉托开枪击中，同年9月去世。21.切斯特·A·阿瑟Chester A.Arthur (1881—1885)任内款待宾客有术，被华府社交界称为“好客巨子”。22.格罗弗·克利夫兰Grover Cleveland (1885—1889)他公、私均极诚实，人称“好人格罗夫”，又因在第一任4年行使414次否决权，超过从华盛顿到阿瑟21位前总统行使总和的两倍有余，人们戏称他为“否决总统”。23.本杰明·哈里森(1889—1893)他因维护退伍军人权益而获“军人之友”的美称。24.格罗弗·克利夫兰Grover Cleveland (1893—1897)25.威廉·麦金莱William McKinley(1897—1901)他在总统任期间，使经济复苏，国家繁荣，工人收入增加，人称他为“繁荣的先驱”和“工人的最佳友人”。次年他出席泛美博览会时，遭到一个名叫乔尔戈什的无政府主义者的枪击，于同年去世。26.西奥多·罗斯福Theodore Roosevelt(1901—1909)他因美西战争战功卓著，而获称“圣胡安山英雄”。27.威廉·H·塔夫脱William H.Taft(1909—1913)他是个笑口常开，跟谁都要好的人，人们称他为“微笑的比尔”28.伍德罗·威尔逊Woodrow Wilson(1913—1921)他是美国惟一一位学者从政、竞选总统的人，他提出的“新自由”经济计划，恢复竞争，赢得人们欢心，后称他为“学者从政”和“人民总统”。29.沃伦·G·哈定Warren G.Harding(1921—1923)他作风平易近人，被称为“逢人便攀谈的人”。于1923年病逝。30.卡尔文·柯立芝Calvin Coolidge(1923—1929)他因谨言慎行而被称为“谨言慎行的卡尔”。31.赫伯特·C·胡弗Herbert Hoover (1929—1933)第一次世界大战期间，他从事国际救济工作卓有成效，被称为“伟大的人道主义者”。32.富兰克林·罗斯福Franklin D.Roosevelt(1933—1945)小罗斯福, 他因领导第二次世界大战取得胜利，被称为“赢得战争的总统”。罗斯福第3次连任美国总统，1944年他再次获胜，成为美国历史上惟一连续4次当选的总统。同年4月，他因中风而去世。33.哈里·S·杜鲁门Harry S.Truman(1945—1953)他发表杜鲁门主义，面对危机从不退缩，被称为“美国最伟大的平民总统”。34.德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔Dwight D.Eisenhower(1953—1961)他是五星上将，二战英雄，人称“高耸云霄的艾森豪威尔”35.约翰·F·肯尼迪John F.Kennedy(1961—1963)他当选总统后成功解决了古巴导弹危机，被称为“60年代风云人物”和“林肯之后最年轻、最机智、最具领袖魅力、死后最受怀念的总统”。于1963年遇刺身亡36.林登·B·约翰逊Lyndon B.Johnson (1963—1969)他被人称为“精力充沛的得克萨斯人”。37.理查德·M·尼克松Richard M.Nixon (1969—1974)他推动对苏缓和，同中国关系正常化，人称“最有争议，最善于自我宣传，最难捉摸的总统”。38.杰拉尔德·R·福特Gerald R.Ford (1974—1977)他为人诚实体贴，被称为“好好先生”，又因他当副总统和总统都不是竞选的，又称“意外副总统和意外总统”。39.吉米·卡特Jimmy Carter (1977—1981)他被称为“读书最勤，品行端庄，诚实无欺的总统”。40.罗纳德·里根Ronald Reagan (1981—1989) 1981年他就职时70岁，人称“年龄最大的总统”。41.乔治·布什George Bush (1989—1993)他获称为“最有外交经验的总统”。42.比尔·克林顿Bill Clinton (1993—2000)他喜欢折哀，不喜欢对抗，遇事绕圈子，使对方捉摸不透，被称为“圆滑的比尔”、“惟一历经四门(白水门、奶妈门、差旅门、州警门)而屹立不动”，最终因“拉链门及斯塔尔门而倒霉的总统”。43.乔治 布什George W.Bush Jr.(2000-)小布什,他是一位遭到大毁大誉的人物，有人赞美他是“坚定有力的反恐斗士”，有人指责他是“只会蛮干的牛仔”。44.巴拉克奥巴马Barack Obama（2008—）美国历史上第一位“黑人”总统

第15篇：美国总统奥巴马芝加哥演讲稿

奥巴马芝加哥演讲词 (2008-11-16 12:07:48)

标签：奥巴马 美国大选 演讲 杂谈

分类：优秀文章转载

Hello, Chicago! 芝加哥，你好！

If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are poible; who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time; who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.如果有人怀疑美国是个一切皆有可能的地方，怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们这个时代依然燃烧，怀疑我们民主的力量，那么今晚这些疑问都有了答案。

It\'s the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen; by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the very first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different; that their voice could be that difference.学校和教堂门外的长龙便是答案。排队的人数之多，在美国历史上前所未有。为了投票，他们排队长达

三、四个小时。许多人一生中第一次投票，因为他们认为这一次大选结果必须不同以往，而他们手中的一票可能决定胜负。

It\'s the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled — Americans who sent a meage to the world that we have never been a collection of red states and blue states; we are, and always will be, the United States of America.无论年龄，无论贫富，无论民主党人或共和党人，无论黑人、白人，无论拉美裔、亚裔、印地安人, 无论同性恋、异性恋，无论残障人、健全人，所有的人，他们向全世界喊出了同一个声音：我们并不隶属 “红州”与 “蓝州”的对立阵营，我们属于美利坚合众国，现在如此，永远如此！

It\'s the answer that led those who have been told for so long by so many to be cynical, and fearful, and doubtful of what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.长久以来，很多人说：我们对自己的能量应该冷漠，应该恐惧，应该怀疑。但是，历史之轮如今已在我们手中，我们又一次将历史之轮转往更美好的未来。

It\'s been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this day, in this election, at this defining moment, change has come to America.漫漫征程，今宵终于来临。特殊的一天，特殊的一次大选，特殊的决定性时刻，美国迎来了变革。

I just received a very gracious call from Sen.McCain.He fought long and hard in this campaign, and he\'s fought even longer and harder for the country he loves.He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine, and we are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfle leader.I congratulate him and Gov.Palin for all they have achieved, and I look forward to working with them to renew this nation\'s promise in the months ahead.刚才，麦凯恩参议员很有风度地给我打了个电话。在这次竞选中，他的努力持久而艰巨。为了这个他挚爱的国家，他的努力更持久、更艰巨。他为美国的奉献超出绝大多数人的想象。他是一位勇敢无私的领袖，有了他的奉献，我们的生活才更美好。我对他和佩林州长的成绩表示祝贺。同时，我也期待着与他们共同努力，再续美国辉煌。

I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on that train home to Delaware, the vice-president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.我要感谢我的竞选搭档——当选副总统乔•拜登。为了与他一起在斯克兰顿市街头长大、一起坐火车返回特拉华州的人们，拜登全心全意地竟选，他代表了这些普通人的声音。

I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years, the rock of our family and the love of my life, our nation\'s next first lady, Michelle Obama.Sasha and Malia, I love you both so much, and you have earned the new puppy that\'s coming with us to the White House.And while she\'s no longer with us, I know my grandmother is watching, along with the family that made me who I am.I mi them tonight, and know that my debt to them is beyond measure.我要感谢下一位第一夫人米歇尔•奥巴马。她是我家的中流砥柱，是我生命中的最爱。没有她在过去16年来的坚定支持，今晚我就不可能站在这里。我要感谢两个女儿萨沙和玛丽娅，我太爱你们两个了，你们将得到一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入住白宫。我还要感谢已去世的外婆，我知道此刻她正在天上注视着我。她与我的家人一起造就了今天的我。今夜我思念他们，他们对我的恩情比山高、比海深。

To my campaign manager, David Plouffe; my chief strategist, David Axelrod; and the best campaign team ever aembled in the history of politics — you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you\'ve sacrificed to get it done.我要感谢我的竞选经理大卫•普鲁夫，感谢首席策划师大卫•阿克塞罗德以及整个竞选团队，他们是政治史上最优秀的竞选团队。你们成就了今夜，我永远感谢你们为今夜所付出的一切。

But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to — it belongs to you.但最重要的是，我将永远不会忘记这场胜利真正属于谁---是你们！

I was never the likeliest candidate for this office.We didn\'t start with much money or many endorsements.Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington — it began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston.我从来不是最有希望的候选人。起初，我们的资金不多，赞助人也不多。我们的竞选并非始于华盛顿的华丽大厅，而是起于德莫奈地区某家的后院、康科德地区的某家客厅、查尔斯顿地区的某家前廊。

It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to this cause.It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation\'s apathy; who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and le sleep; from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on the doors of perfect strangers; from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized, and proved that more than two centuries later, a government of the people, by the people and for the people has not perished from this earth.This is your victory.劳动大众从自己的微薄积蓄中掏出5美元、10美元、20美元，拿来捐助我们的事业。年轻人证明了他们绝非所谓“冷漠的一代”。他们远离家乡和亲人，拿着微薄的报酬，起早摸黑地助选。上了年纪的人也顶着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门助选。无数美国人自愿组织起来，充当自愿者。正是这些人壮大了我们的声势。他们的行动证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

I know you didn\'t do this just to win an election, and I know you didn\'t do it for me.You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead.For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime — two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after their children fall asleep and wonder how they\'ll make the mortgage, or pay their doctor\'s bills, or save enough for college.There is new energy to harne and new jobs to be created; new schools to build and threats to meet and alliances to repair.

你们这样做，并不只是为了赢得一场大选，更不是为了我个人。你们这样做，是因为你们清楚未来的任务有多么艰巨。今晚我们在欢庆，明天我们就将面对一生之中最为严峻的挑战－－两场战争、一个充满危险的星球，还有百年一遇的金融危机。今晚我们在这里庆祝，但我们知道在伊拉克的沙漠里，在阿富汗的群山中，许许多多勇敢的美国人醒来后就将为了我们而面临生命危险。许许多多的父母会在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠，他们正在为月供、医药费，孩子今后的大学费用而发愁。我们需要开发新能源，创造就业机会，建造新学校，迎接挑战和威胁，并修复与盟国的关系。

The road ahead will be long.Our climb will be steep.We may not get there in one year, or even one term, but America — I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.I promise you: We as a people will get there.前方道路还很漫长，任务艰巨。一年之内，甚至一届总统任期之内，我们可能都无法完成这些任务。但我从未像今晚这样对美国满怀希望，我相信我们会实现这个目标。我向你们承诺－－我们美利坚民族将实现这一目标！

There will be setbacks and false starts.There are many who won\'t agree with every decision or policy I make as president, and we know that government can\'t solve every problem.But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face.I will listen to you, especially when we disagree.And, above all, I will ask you join in the work of remaking this nation the only way it\'s been done in America for 221 years — block by block, brick by brick, callused hand by callused hand.我们会遇到挫折，会出师不利，会有许多人不认同我的某一项决定或政策。政府并不能解决所有问题，但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会让你们一起重建这个国家。用自己的双手，从一砖一瓦做起。这是美国立国221年以来的前进方式，也是惟一的方式。

What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter must not end on this autumn night.This victory alone is not the change we seek — it is only the chance for us to make that change.And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.It cannot happen without you.21个月前那个隆冬所开始的一切，绝不应在这一个秋夜结束。我们所寻求的变革并不只是赢得大选，这只是给变革提供了一个机会。假如我们照老路子办事，就没有变革；没有你们，就没有变革。

So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism; of service and responsibility where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves, but each other.Let us remember that if this financial crisis taught us anything, it\'s that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.In this country, we rise or fall as one nation — as one people.让我们重新发扬爱国精神，树立崭新的服务意识、责任感，每个人下定决心，一起努力工作，彼此关爱；让我们牢记这场金融危机带来的教训：不能允许商业街挣扎的同时却让华尔街繁荣。在这个国家，我们作为同一个民族，同生死共存亡。

Let us resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettine and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.Let us remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House — a party founded on the values of self-reliance, individual liberty and national unity.Those are values we all share, and while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progre.党派之争、琐碎幼稚，长期以来这些东西荼毒了我们的政坛。让我们牢记，当来自伊利诺伊州的一位先生首次将共和党大旗扛进白宫时，伴随着他的是自强自立、个人自由、国家统一的共和党建党理念。这也是我们所有人都珍视的理念。虽然民主党今晚大胜，但我们态度谦卑，并决心弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧。

As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, \"We are not enemies, but friends...Though paion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.\" And, to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote, but I hear your voices, I need your help, and I will be your president, too.当年,林肯面对的是一个远比目前更为分裂的国家。他说：“我们不是敌人，而是朋友„„虽然激情可能不再，但是我们的感情纽带不会割断。”对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，虽然我没有赢得你们的选票，但我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，我也将是你们的总统。

And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of our world — our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.To those who would tear this world down: We will defeat you.To those who seek peace and security: We support you.And to all those who have wondered if America\'s beacon still burns as bright: Tonight, we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.对于关注今夜结果的国际人士，不管他们是在国会、皇宫关注，还是在荒僻地带收听电台，我们的态度是：我们美国人的经历各有不同，但我们的命运相关，新的美国领袖诞生了。对于想毁灭这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。对于追求和平和安全的人们，我们将支持你们。对于怀疑美国这盏灯塔是否依然明亮的人们，今天晚上我们已再次证明：美国的真正力量来源并非军事威力或财富规模，而是我们理想的恒久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。

For that is the true genius of America — that America can change.Our union can be perfected.And what we have already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.美国能够变革，这才是美国真正的精髓。我们的联邦会不断完善。我们已经取得的成就，将为我们将来能够并且必须取得的成就增添希望。

This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations.But one that\'s on my mind tonight is about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta.She\'s a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election, except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.这次大选创造了多项“第一”，诞生了很多将流芳后世的故事，但今晚令我最为难忘的却是一位在亚特兰大投票的妇女：安妮•库波尔。她和无数排队等候投票的选民没有什么差别，唯一的不同是她高龄106岁。

She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn\'t vote for two reasons — because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.在她出生的那个时代，黑奴制刚刚废除。那时路上没有汽车，天上没有飞机。当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票－－一第一因为她是女性，第二个原因是她的肤色。

And tonight, I think about all that she\'s seen throughout her century in America — the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progre; the times we were told that we can\'t and the people who preed on with that American creed: Yes, we can.今天晚上，我想到了安妮在美国过去一百年间的种种经历：心痛和希望，挣扎和进步，那些我们被告知我们办不到的年代，以及我们现在这个年代。现在，我们坚信美国式信念——是的，我们能！

At a time when women\'s voices were silenced and their hopes dismied, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot.Yes, we can.在那个年代，妇女的声音被压制，她们的希望被剥夺。但安妮活到了今天，看到妇女们站起来了，可以大声发表意见了，有选举权了。是的，我们能。

When there was despair in the Dust Bowl and depreion acro the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs and a new sense of common purpose.Yes, we can.安妮经历了上世纪三十年代的大萧条。农田荒芜，绝望笼罩美国大地。她看到了美国以新政、新的就业机会以及崭新的共同追求战胜了恐慌。是的，我们能。

When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witne a generation rise to greatne and a democracy was saved.Yes, we can.二战时期，炸弹袭击我们的海港，全世界受到独裁专制威胁，安妮见证了一代美国人的英雄本色，他们捍卫了民主。是的，我们能。

She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that \"We Shall Overcome.\" Yes, we can.安妮经历了蒙哥马利公交车事件、伯明翰黑人暴动事件、塞尔马血醒周末事件。来自亚特兰大的一位牧师告诉人们：我们终将胜利。是的，我们能。

A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.Yes, we can.人类登上了月球、柏林墙倒下了，科学和想像把世界连了一块。今年，在这次选举中，安妮的手指轻触电子屏幕，投下自己的一票。她在美国生活了106年，其间有最美好的时光，也有最黑暗的时刻，她知道美国能够变革。是的，我们能。

America, we have come so far.We have seen so much.But there is so much more to do.So tonight, let us ask ourselves: If our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progre will we have made? 美利坚，我们已经一路走来，我们已经看到了那么多变化，但我们仍有很多事情要做。今夜，让我们问自己这样一个问题：假如我们的孩子能够活到下一个世纪，假如我的女儿们有幸与安妮一样长寿，她们将会看到怎样的改变？我们又取得了怎样的进步？

This is our chance to answer that call.This is our moment.This is our time — to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American Dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth that out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope, and where we are met with cynicism, and doubt, and those who tell us that we can\'t, we will respond with that timele creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.现在，我们获得了回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻，我们的时代。让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的孩子打开机会的大门；恢复繁荣，促进和平；让美国梦重放光芒，再证这一本本性真理，那就是：团结一致，众志成城；一息尚存，希望就在；倘若有人嘲讽和怀疑，说我们不能，我们就以这一永恒信条回应，因为它凝聚了整个民族的精神——是的，我们能！

Thank you, God ble you, and may God ble the United States of America.谢谢大家！愿上帝保佑你们，保佑美利坚合众国。

第16篇：美国总统演讲稿之里根2

Ronald Reagan: Addre from the Brandenburg Gate (Berlin

Wall)

Delivered 12 June 1987 Thank you very much.Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen: Twenty four years ago, President John F.Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking to the people of this city and the world at the city hall.Well, since then two other presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin.And today I, myself, make my second visit to your city.

We come to Berlin, we American Presidents, because it\'s our duty to speak, in this place, of freedom.But I must confe, we\'re drawn here by other things as well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your courage and determination.Perhaps the composer, Paul Lincke, understood something about American Presidents.You see, like so many Presidents before me, I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: “Ich hab noch einen koffer in Berlin.\" [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.] Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and North America.I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East.To those listening throughout Eastern Europe, I extend my warmest greetings and the good will of the American people.To those listening in East Berlin, a special word: Although I cannot be with you, I addre my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before me.For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.[There is only one Berlin.]

Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe.From the Baltic, south, those barriers cut acro Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog runs, and guard towers.Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall.But there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will of a totalitarian state.Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly; here, cutting acro your city, where the news photo and the television screen have imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world.Standing before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow men.Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.

President von Weizsacker has said: \"The German question is open as long as the Brandenburg Gate is closed.\" Today I say: As long as this gate is closed, as long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind.Yet I do not come here to lament.For I find in Berlin a meage of hope, even in the shadow of this wall, a meage of triumph.

In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air raid shelters to find devastation.Thousands of miles away, the people of the United States reached out to help.And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you\'ve been told-George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the Marshall plan.Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: \"Our policy is directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty, desperation, and chaos.\"

In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this 40th anniversary of the Marshall plan.I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted structure that was being rebuilt.I understand that Berliners of my own generation can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the Western sectors of the city.The sign read simply: \"The Marshall plan is helping here to strengthen the free world.\" A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real.Japan rose from ruin to become an economic giant.Italy, France, Belgium --virtually every nation in Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was founded.

In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle, the Wirtschaftswunder.Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the farmer and busineman enjoy economic freedom.The German leaders reduced tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes.From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.

Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the greatest industrial output of any city in Germany-busy office blocks, fine homes and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of park land.Where a city\'s culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities, orchestras and an opera, countle theaters, and museums.Where there was want, today there\'s abundance--food, clothing, automobiles-the wonderful goods of the Ku\'damm.From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on Earth.The Soviets may have had other plans.But, my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn\'t count on Berliner herz, Berliner humor, ja, und Berliner schnauze.[Berliner heart, Berliner humor, yes, and a Berliner schnauze.] [Laughter]

In the 1950\'s, Khrushchev predicted: \"We will bury you.\" But in the West today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being unprecedented in all human history.In the Communist world, we see failure, technological backwardne, declining standards of health, even want of the most basic kind-too little food.Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity.Freedom replaces the ancient hatreds among the nations with comity and peace.Freedom is the victor.

And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to understand the importance of freedom.We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openne.Some political prisoners have been released.Certain foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed.Some economic enterprises have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openne; for we believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can only strengthen the cause of world peace. There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom and peace.General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr.Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr.Gorbachev, tear down this wall!

I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this continent--and I pledge to you my country\'s efforts to help overcome these burdens.To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion.So we must maintain defenses of unaailable strength.Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce arms on both sides.Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear miiles, capable of-striking every capital in Europe.The Western alliance responded by committing itself to a counter deployment unle the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides.For many months, the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestne.As the alliance, in turn, prepared to go forward with its counter deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from the table.

But through it all, the alliance held firm.And I invite those who protested then--I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained strong, the Soviets came back to the table.And because we remained strong, today we have within reach the poibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but of eliminating, for the first time, an entire cla of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth.As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progre of our proposals for eliminating these weapons.At the talks in Geneva, we have also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons.And the Western allies have likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and to place a total ban on chemical weapons. While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggreion at any level at which it might occur.And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the Strategic Defense Initiative-research to base deterrence not on the threat of offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that will not target populations, but shield them.By these means we seek to increase the safety of Europe and all the world.But we must remember a crucial fact: East and West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we mistrust each other.And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was encircled, Berlin was under siege.And today, despite all the preures upon this city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty.And freedom itself is transforming the globe.

In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given a rebirth.Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of economic growth.In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and telecommunications. In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community of freedom.Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or it will become obsolete.Today thus represents a moment of hope.We in the West stand ready to cooperate with the East to promote true openne, to break down barriers that separate people, to create a safer, freer world.

And surely there is no better place than Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start.Free people of Berlin: Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971.Let us use this occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future.Together, let us maintain and develop the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is permitted by the 1971 agreement.

And I invite Mr.Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the vital air acce to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical.We look to the day when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.

With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help bring international meetings to Berlin.It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms control or other iues that call for international cooperation.There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges, cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East.Our French and British friends, I\'m certain, will do the same.And it\'s my hope that an authority can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western sectors.

One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of enjoyment and ennoblement, and you many have noted that the Republic of Korea -- South Korea -has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take place in the North.International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in both parts of this city.And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openne of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic Games here in Berlin, East and West?

In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.You\'ve done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the blockade.Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very presence of this wall.What keeps you here? Certainly there\'s a great deal to be said for your fortitude, for your defiant courage.But I believe there\'s something deeper, something that involves Berlin’s whole look and feel and way of life--not mere sentiment.No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of illusions.Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or aspirations.Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom.In a word, I would submit that what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.

Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental distinction of all between East and West.The totalitarian world produces backwardne because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship.The totalitarian world finds even symbols of love and of worship an affront.Years ago, before the East Germans began rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at Alexander Platz.Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct what they view as the tower\'s one major flaw, treating the gla sphere at the top with paints and chemicals of every kind.Yet even today when the Sun strikes that sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin --the light makes the sign of the cro.There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be suppreed.

As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a young Berliner, \"This wall will fall.Beliefs become reality.\" Yes, acro Europe, this wall will fall.For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth.The wall cannot withstand freedom.

And I would like, before I close, to say one word.I have read, and I have been questioned since I\'ve been here about certain demonstrations against my coming.And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so.I wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they\'re doing again. Thank you and God ble you all.

☼注释☼:

♫ unalterable ♫ totalitarian ♫ shelter ♫ doctrine []

adj.不能变更的 adj.极权主义的 [] [] [] []

n.掩蔽处, 身避处, 庇护所 n.教条, 学说

n.管弦乐队, 乐队演奏处 ♫ orchestra ♫ unprecedented ♫ liberalization ♫ conventional ♫ retaliation ♫ implementation ♫ aviation [] adj.空前的

[] n.自由主义化, 使宽大 [] []

adj.惯例的, 常规的 n.报复, 报仇 n.执行 n.飞行, 航空 [] [] []

♫ distinction ♫ embodiment

n.区别, 差别

n.体现, 具体化, 化身

[]

第17篇：美国总统演讲稿学英语文章

Remarks of President Barack Obama

Weekly Addre

The White House

December 3 , 2011

This week, we learned that our economy added another 140,000 private sector jobs in November.Despite some strong headwinds this year, America’s economy has now created private sector jobsfor the past 21 months in a row – almost three million new jobs in all, more than half a million ofthem in the past four months alone.

We need to keep this growth going and strengthen it.That’s why we’ve been fighting to pa aseries of jobs bills through Congre – bills that independent economists say will create more jobsand grow the economy even faster.Because now is the time to step on the gas, not slam on thebrakes.

Unfortunately, too many Republicans in Congre don’t seem to share that same sense ofurgency.Over the last few months, they’ve said “no” to most of these jobs bills.“No” to puttingteachers and firefighters back to work.

“No” to putting construction workers back on the job.Andthis week, they actually said “no” to cutting taxes for middle-cla families.

You see, last year, both parties came together to cut payroll taxes for the typical middle-clafamily by about $1,000.But that tax cut is set to expire at the end of this month.If that happens,that same family will see its taxes go up by $1,000.We can’t let that happen.In fact, I think weshould cut taxes on working families and small busine owners even more.

And we’re going to keep pushing Congre to make this happen.They shouldn’t go home for theholidays until they get this done.And if you agree with me, I could use your help.We’ve set up a simple tax cut calculator on WhiteHouse.gov so that you can see exactly what thestakes are for your family.Try it out.Then let your members of Congre know where you stand.

Tell them not to vote to raise taxes on working Americans during the holidays.Tell them to putcountry before party.Put money back in the pockets of working Americans.Pa these tax cuts.

We’re all in this together.The more Americans succeed, the more America succeeds.And if weremember that and do what it takes to keep this economy growing and opportunity rising, thenI’m confident that we’ll come out of this stronger than before.

第18篇：美国总统演讲稿之里根1

Ronald Reagan: First Inaugural Addre

Delivered 20 January 1981

Senator Hatfield, Mr.Chief Justice, Mr.President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O\'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today this is a solemn and most momentous occasion, and yet in the history of our nation it is a commonplace occurrence.The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place, as it has for almost two centuries, and few of us stop to think how unique we really are.In the eyes of ma in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing le than a miracle.

Mr.President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition.By your gracious cooperation in the transition proce, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.

The busine of our nation goes forward.These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions.We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history.It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed-income elderly alike.It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.

Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, human misery, and personal indignity.Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes succeful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.

But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending.For decades we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children\'s future for the temporary convenience of the present.To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.

You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a

limited period of time.Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we\'re not bound by that same limitation? We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow.And let there be no misunderstanding: We are going to begin to act, beginning today.

The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades.They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away.They will go away because we as Americans have the capacity now, as we\'ve had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.

In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem.From time to time we\'ve been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people.Well, if no one among us is capable of governing

himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden.The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.

We hear much of special interest groups.Well, our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected.It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it croes political party lines.It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we\'re sick -- profeionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truck drivers.They are, in short, ”We the people,” this breed called Americans.

Well, this administration\'s objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunities for all Americans with no barriers born of bigotry or

discrimination.Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work.Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs.All must share in the productive work of this ``new beginning,\'\' and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy.With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America, at peace with itself and the world.

So, as we begin, let us take inventory.We are a nation that has a government -- not the other way around.And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth.Our government has no power except that granted it by the people.It is time to check and reverse the growth of government, which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.

It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people.All of us need to be

reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.

Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it\'s not my intention to do away with

government.It is rather to make it work -- work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back.Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.

If we look to the answer as to why for so many years we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here in this land we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before.

Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and aured here than in any other place on Earth.The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.

It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the

intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unneceary and exceive growth of government.It is time for us to realize that we\'re too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams.We\'re not, as some would have us believe, doomed to an inevitable

decline.I do not believe in a fate that will fall on us no matter what we do.I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing.So, with all the creative energy at our

command, let us begin an era of national renewal.Let us renew our determination, our

courage, and our strength.And let us renew our faith and our hope.

We have every right to dream heroic dreams.Those who say that we\'re in a time when there are not heroes, they just don\'t know where to look.You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates.Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond.You meet heroes acro a counter, and they\'re on both sides of that counter.There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity.They\'re individuals and families whose taxes support the government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education.Their patriotism is quiet, but deep.Their values sustain our national life.

Now, I have used the words ``they\'\' and ``their\'\' in speaking of these heroes.I could say ``you\'\' and ``your,\'\' because I\'m addreing the heroes of whom I speak -- you, the citizens of this bleed land.Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.

We shall reflect the compaion that is so much a part of your makeup.How can we love our country and not love our countrymen; and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they\'re sick, and provide opportunity to make them

self-sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?

Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic ``yes.\'\' To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I\'ve just taken with the intention of presiding over the diolution of the world\'s strongest economy.In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity.Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government.Progre may be slow, measured in inches and feet, not miles, but we will progre.It is time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden.And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles there will be no compromise.

On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr.Joseph Warren, president of the

Maachusetts Congre, said to his fellow Americans, \"Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of ....On you depend the fortunes of America.You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happine and the liberty of millions yet unborn.Act worthy of yourselves.\"

Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happine and liberty for ourselves, our children, and our children\'s children.And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world.We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.

To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and aure them of our support and firm commitment.We will match loyalty with loyalty.We will strive for mutually beneficial relations.We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for our own sovereignty is not for sale.

As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be

reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people.We will negotiate

for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it, now or ever.

Our forbearance should never be misunderstood.Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will.When action is required to preserve our national

security, we will act.We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.

Above all, we must realize that no arsenal or no weapon in the arsenals of the world is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women.It is a weapon our adversaries in today\'s world do not have.It is a weapon that we as Americans do have.Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.I\'m told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I\'m deeply grateful.We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free.It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inaugural Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.

This is the first time in our history that this ceremony has been held, as you\'ve been told, on this West Front of the Capitol.Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city\'s special beauty and history.At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.

Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man, George Washington, father of our country.A man of humility who came to greatne reluctantly.He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood.Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson.The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.And then, beyond the Reflecting Pool, the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial.

Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.

Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery, with its row upon row of simple white markers bearing croes or Stars of David.They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.

Each one of those markers is a monument to the kind of hero I spoke of earlier.Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno, and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.

Under one such marker lies a young man, Martin Treptow, who left his job in a small

town barbershop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division.There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a meage between battalions under heavy artillery fire.

We\'re told that on his body was found a diary.On the flyleaf under the heading, ``My Pledge,\'\' he had written these words: ``America must win this war.Therefore I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the iue of the whole struggle depended on me alone.\'\'

The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make.It does require, however, our best effort and our willingne to believe in ourselves and to believe in our

capacity to perform great deeds, to believe that together with God\'s help we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.

And after all, why shouldn\'t we believe that? We are Americans.

God ble you, and thank you.

☼注释☼:

♫ commonplace

♫ bulwark

♫ penalize

♫ upheaval

♫ boundary

♫ vigorous

壮的

♫ bigotry

♫ stifle

♫ renewal

♫ compaion

♫ unequivocal

♫ compromise

♫ exemplar

♫ strive

♫ prevail

♫ formidable

难的

♫ battalion

[]adj.平凡的 []n.壁垒, 防波堤 []v.处罚 []n.剧变 []n.边界, 分界线 []adj.精力旺盛的, 有力的, 健[]n.固执, 顽固[]vt.使窒息, 抑制[]n.复兴, 恢复[]n.同情,怜悯[]adj.不含糊的[]n.妥协, 折衷 []n.模范, 榜样, 标本 []v.努力, 奋斗, 力争, 斗争 []vi.获胜, 成功 []adj.强大的, 令人敬畏的, 艰[]n.军营, 军队

第19篇：美国总统奥巴马就职演讲稿

美国总统奥巴马就职演讲稿

Hello，芝加哥。

美国是一个一切皆有可能的地方，如果还有人对这一点心存怀疑，如果还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们时代是否还有活力，还有人怀疑我们民主制度的力量，那么，你们今晚正是对那些疑问作出了回答。

在学校和教堂周围所出现的前所未有的长队是答案，这个国家从未见过这么多的人前来投票，人们排三个、四个小时的队来进行有生以来的第一次投票，因为他们相信这一次将会不同，他们发出的声音可能就是那个差别。

这是一个年轻人和年老人、富人和穷人、民主党人和共和党人、黑人、白人、西班牙裔人、亚裔、印第安人、同性恋和异性恋、残障人士和健全人士所作出的回答。美国人向世界发出一个信息：我们从不只是一些个人的累加或者“红色州”和“蓝色州”的累加。

我们是，我们永远是美利坚合众国。

这是一个引导人们的答案，太多的人在很长的时间内给他们说这个答案，以至于他们对此持愤世疾俗的态度，对我们是否可以再一次把握历史的希望感到担心和怀疑。已经过去了很长时间，但是今晚，由于我们今天在这场选举所采取的行动，在这个决定性的时候，变革来到了美国。

今晚早些时候，我接到来自参议员麦凯恩的一个特别有风度的电话。麦凯恩在这场选战中进行了长期和艰苦的努力，他为这个他所爱的国家战斗了更长的时间，作出了更艰苦的努力。他为美国承受了我们中的大多数人无法想像的牺牲。由于这位勇敢和无私领导人的服务，我们的生活变得更好。

我向他表示祝贺，我向佩林州长表示祝贺，向他们所取得的成果表示祝贺，我盼望与他们共事以继续这个国家在未来岁月的承诺。

我想感谢我在竞选旅程的伙伴，一位用心竞选的男士，一位为和他一起在斯克兰顿街头一同长大的男人和女子代言、经常坐火车回特拉华州的男士，美国当选副总统拜登。

如果没有我过去16年最好的朋友、我们家庭的中坚、我生命中的挚爱，我今天晚上不可能站在这里，美国下一位第一夫人米歇尔-奥巴马。

萨沙和马莉娅，我爱你们，我对你们的爱超出了你们的想象。你们已赢得了新的宠物狗，它将和我们一起前往新的白宫。

尽管她没能和我们在一起，但我知道，我的祖母和养大我的家人在看着我，我今晚很想念他们，我知道我欠他们的东西是无法计量的。我的妹妹马娅、我的姐姐奥玛，我其他的兄弟和姐妹，非常感谢你们对我的支持，我感谢他们。我的竞选经理大卫-普劳夫，这位竞选活动的无名英雄，他进行了最好的政治竞选活动，我认为这是美国历史上最棒的。我的首席策略师大卫-艾克斯罗德，他一直是追随我的伙伴。你们组建了政治史上最好的竞选团队，是你们成就了今天，我永远感谢你们为此所作出的牺牲。

但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正属于谁，它属于你们，它属于你们。

我从来不是最有可能获得这一职务的候选人。我们刚开始并没有太多资金，也没有得到许多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非始自华盛顿的大厅里，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。那些辛勤工作的人们从自己微薄的储蓄中捐出5美元、10美元、20美元。竞选活动因为年轻人的支持而越来越有声势，他们拒绝了他们那一代对政治不感兴趣的神话，他们离开家，从事那些薪水少而且辛苦的工作。竞选活动的声势也来自那些已不再年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；竞选声势也源自数百万的美国民众，他们充当志愿者和组织者，他们证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

我知道你们的所做的一切并不只是为了赢得选举，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白前面的任务有多么艰巨。即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最艰难的挑战——两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，一个世纪以来最严重的金融危机。

就在我们今晚站在这里的时刻，我们知道勇敢的美国士兵在伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中醒来，他们冒着生命危险来保护着我们的生命。仍有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，他们担心如何偿还按揭月供、付医药费或是存够钱让孩子上大学。我们需要开发新的能源、创造新的工作岗位，我们需要修建新学校，应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的盟友关系。

前方的道路将很漫长，我们攀登的脚步会很艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一个任期内实现这些目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，我们将实现我们的目标。我向你们承诺——我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。

我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的起步。我作为总统所做的每项决定或政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道，政府不能解决所有问题。但我将总是会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会听取你们的意见，尤其是存在不同意见的时候。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式-一砖一瓦、同心协力。

21个月前在寒冬所开始的一切不应当在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变--这只是我们进行改变的机会。如果我们仍然按照过去的方式行事，我们所寻求的改变将不会发生。没有你们，没有服务和牺牲的新精神，就不可能发生改变。

因此，让我们发扬新的爱国和负责精神，所有的人都下定决心参与其中，更加努力地工作，不仅是为自己而是为彼此。让我们记住这一点，如果说这场金融危机教会了我们什么东西的话，那就是我们不可能在金融以外的领域处于困境的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街。

在这个国家，我们患难与共。让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到令美国政治长期深受毒害的党派纷争、小题大作、不成熟的表现。让我们记住，是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的旗帜扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自立、个人自由以及国家团结的价值观之上的。这也是我们所有人共同的价值观。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能会褪去，但这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在没有投票给我的美国人，我想说，我可能没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。

对于那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是一样的，新的美国领导层已产生了。

那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国的灯塔能否能像以前一样明亮的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民主、自由、机会、不屈服的希望。

这才是美国真正的精华——美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日渐完美。我们现在已取得的成就为我们将来能够取得和必须取得的成就增添了希望。

这次大选创造了多项第一，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女：安-尼克松-库波尔。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她已是106岁的高龄。

她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束；那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机。当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票，首先她是女性，其次她是黑人。

今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种：心痛和希望；斗争和进步；在那里时代，我们被告知我们办不到，一些人继续坚信着美国的信念──是的，我们能做到。

妇女当时没有投票权，她们的希望被挫败，但是安-尼克松-库波尔活着看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们站出来发表自己的见解，看到她们参加大选投票。是的，我们能做到。

当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条使人们感到绝望时，她看到一个国家用新政、新的就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。

当炸弹袭击了我们的港口、暴政威胁到全世界，她见证了一代美国人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家获得拯救。是的，我们能做到。

她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们：“我们将克服阻力。”是的，我们能做到。

人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界被我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，在这场选举中，她用手指触摸屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了106年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。是的，我们能做到。

美国，我们已经走过了一条漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，请让我们自问--如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，她们将会看到怎样的改变？我们将会取得什么样的进步？

现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻。

这是我们的时代--让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会之门，恢复繁荣，推进和平，重新确立“美国梦”，再次证明这样一个基本的真理：我们是一家人；只要一息尚存，我们就有希望；当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要以这个永恒的信条来回应他们：

是的，我们能做到。感谢你们。上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

第20篇：历任美国总统

历任美国总统

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1 乔治·华盛顿 (George Washington) 1789年－1797年 开国总统

2 约翰·亚当斯 (John Adams) 联邦党 1797年－1801年 人称「老亚当斯」，儿子是第6任美国总统，和儿子是为美国历史上第一对父子档总统。3 托玛斯·杰弗逊 (Thomas Jefferson) 民主共和党 1801年－1809年4 詹姆斯·麦迪逊 (James Madison) 民主共和党 1809年－1817年

5 詹姆斯·门罗 (James Monroe) 民主共和党 1817年－1825年

6 约翰·昆西·亚当斯 (John Quincy Adams) 民主共和党 1825年－1829年 人称「小亚当斯」，父亲是第2任美国总统，和父亲是为美国历史上第一对父子档总统。

7 安德鲁·杰克逊 (Adrew Jackson) 民主党 1829年－1837年

8 马丁·范布伦 (Martin Van Buren) 民主党 1837年－1841年

9 威廉·亨利·哈里森 (William Henry Harrison) 辉格党 1841年 上任一个月后便死在任期内，其孙是第23任美国总统。

10 约翰·泰勒 (John Tyler) 辉格党 1841年－1845年 第一个由副总统接任总统的人

11 詹姆斯·诺克斯·波尔克 (James Knox Polk) 民主党 1845年－1849年12 扎卡里·泰勒 (Zachary Taylor) 辉格党 1849年－1850年 死于任内13 米勒德·菲尔莫尔 (Millard Fillmore) 辉格党 1850年－1853年14 福兰克林·皮尔斯 (Franklin Pierce) 民主党 1853年－1857年15 詹姆斯·布坎南 (James Buchanan) 民主党 1857年－1861年

16 亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 共和党 1861年－1865年 在任内被暗杀致死

17 安德鲁·约翰逊 (Andrew Johnson) 民主党 1865年－1869年 任内曾遭国会的弹劾动议，以一票之差没有通过

18 尤里西斯·辛普森·格兰特 (Ulyes Simpson Grant) 共和党 1869年－1877年

19 拉瑟福德·B·海斯 (Rutherford B.Hays) 共和党 1877年－1881年20 詹姆斯·加菲尔德 (James Garfield) 共和党 1881年 上任半年后被暗杀，死于任内

21 切斯特·A·阿瑟 (Chester A.Arthur) 共和党 1881年－1885年

22 格罗弗·克利夫兰 (Stephen Grover Cleveland) 民主党 1885年－1889年23 本杰明·哈里森 (Benjemin Harrison) 共和党 1889年－1893年 祖父是第9任美国总统

24 格罗弗·克利夫兰 (Stephen Grover Cleveland) 民主党 1893年－1897年 曾经担任第22任美国总统，落选一届后再度竞选成功

25 威廉·麦金莱 (William McKinley) 共和党 1897年－1901年 任内遇刺身亡26 西奥多·罗斯福 (Theodore Roosevelt) 共和党 1901年－1909年

27 威廉·霍华德·塔夫脱 (William Howard Taft) 共和党 1909年－1913年28 伍德罗·威尔逊 (Woodrow Wilson) 民主党 1913年－1921年

29 沃伦·G·哈定 (Warren G.Harding) 共和党 1921年－1923年 在任内去世30 卡尔文·柯立芝 (Calvin Coolidge) 共和党 1923年－1929年

31 赫伯特·胡佛 (Herbert Hoover) 共和党 1929年－1933年

32 富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福 (Franklin Delano Roosevelt) 民主党 1933年－1945年 任期最长的美国总统，连任四届，最后死于任内

33 哈利·S·杜鲁门 (Harry S.Truman) 民主党 1945年－1953年

34 德怀特·D·艾森豪威尔 (Dwight D.Eisenhower) 共和党 1953年－1961年

35 约翰·F·肯尼迪 (John F.Kennedy) 民主党 1961年－1963年 任内被暗杀36 林登·约翰逊 (Lyndon Johnson) 民主党 1963年－1969年

37 理查德·尼克松 (Richard Nixon) 共和党 1969年－1974年 任内因水门事件而辞职

38 杰拉尔德·福特 (Gerald Ford) 共和党 1974年－1977年 唯一一名未经选举就接任副总统，然后又接任总统的人

39 吉米·卡特 (Jimmy Carter) 民主党 1977年－1981年

40 罗纳德·里根 (Ronald Reagan) 共和党 1981年－1989年

41 乔治·H·W·布什 (George H.W.Bush) 共和党 1989年－1993年 其长子是第43任美国总统

42 比尔·克林顿 (Bill Clinton) 民主党 1993年－2001年 任内国会曾提起弹劾动议，但未获通过

43 乔治·W·布什 (George W.Bush) 共和党 2001年－2009年 父亲是第41任美国总统

44贝拉克·奥巴马（Barack Obama ）民主党2009年-今 美国历史上首位非洲裔总统

美国开国元勋华盛顿 (George Washington)领导美国人民赢得独立，制订宪法，创建国家，担任首任总统，公众尊称他为“国父”、“摩西第二”。

第二任总统亚当斯 (John Adams) 他极力赞成13州宣布独立，并积极参与起草和领导辩论而通过独立宣言，公众尊称他为“独立擎天柱”、“革命建筑师”。

第三任总统杰弗逊 (Thomas Jefferson) 他参与起草独立宣言，当选总统之后，坚信个人权力和自由，把民主政治向前推进一大步，公众尊称他为“革命斗士”、“民主巨擘”。

第四任总统麦迪逊 (James Madison) 他对宪法制定、通过、批准尽力最多，公众尊称他为“宪法之父”。

第五任总统门罗(James Monroe) 他是革命战争年代最后一位任总统的人，人们尊称他为“革命先贤最后一人”。

第六任总统亚当斯 (John Quincy Adams) 他是一个道德和生活都很严谨的人，人们称其为“清教徒”。

第七任总统杰克逊 (Adrew Jackson) 他在战争中立下汗马功劳，在新奥尔良之役打败英军，成为举国闻名的英雄，当选总统后，具有领袖魅力，深受人民爱戴，被公众尊称为“老英雄”和“人民的总统”。

第八任总统范布伦 (Martin Van Buren) 他从当纽约州长到协助杰克逊当选总统并出任国务卿，进而当副总统、总统，人称“小大人物”(身高1.67米左右)、“老练政客”。

第九任总统哈里逊 (William Henry Harrison)1811年，他在印第安纳州打败肖尼印第安人，人称“提帕卡农英雄”。

第十任总统约翰·泰勒 (John Tyler)美国历史上第一个由副总统直接接任总统的人。

第十一任总统波尔克 (James Knox Polk) 他是美国政治历史上第一匹“黑马”总统候选人，任职期间孜孜不倦，人称“黑马波尔克”、“辛苦工作的波尔克”。

第十二任总统泰勒 (Zachary Taylor)他军旅生涯40年，屡建奇功，人称他当总统“老粗而管用”。

第十三任总统菲尔莫尔 (Millard Fillmore) 死于任期内

第十四任总统皮尔斯 (Franklin Pierce)他因容貌英俊，被人称为“美男子富兰克林”。

第十五任总统布坎南 (James Buchanan)他终生未娶，人称“老光棍”。

第十六任总统林肯 (Abraham Lincoln) 他不矫揉造作，说话、办事老实。1863年发布奴隶解放令，公众尊称他为“诚实的老亚伯”和“伟大的解放者”。

第十七任总统安德鲁·约翰逊 (Andrew Johnson)任内曾遭国会的弹劾动议，以一票之差没有通过。

第十八任总统格兰特 (Ulyes Simpson Grant)他每战必胜，公众称他为“无敌尤利西斯”，又因他接受李将军投降，结束4年内战，被称为“阿波麦托克斯英雄”。

第十九任总统海斯 (Rutherford B.Hays)内战期间，他表现勇敢，数次受伤，人称“勇敢的拉塞福德”。

第二十任总统加菲尔德 (James Garfield) 他遵母命奋发读书当了总统，人称“运河少年郎总统”。

第二十一任总统阿瑟 (Chester A.Arthur)他任内款待宾客有术，被华府社交界称为“好客巨子”。

第二十二任总统克利夫兰 (Stephen Grover Cleveland)他公、私均极诚实，人称“好人格罗夫”，又因在第一任4年行使414次否决权，超过从华盛顿到阿瑟

21位前总统行使总和的两倍有余，人们戏称他为“否决总统”。

第二十三任总统本杰明·哈里逊 (Benjemin Harrison)他因维护退伍军人权益而获“军人之友”的美称。

第二十四任总统克利夫兰Stephen Grover Cleveland)曾经担任第22任美国总统，落选一届后再度竞选成功.第二十五任总统麦金莱 (William McKinley) 他在总统任期间，使经济复苏，国家繁荣，工人收入增加，人称他为“繁荣的先驱”和“工人的最佳友人”。

第二十六任总统西奥多·罗斯福 (Theodore Roosevelt)他因美西战争战功卓著，而获称“圣胡安山英雄”。

第二十七任总统塔夫脱 (William Howard Taft)他是个笑口常开，跟谁都要好的人，人们称他为“微笑的比尔”。

第二十八任总统威尔逊 (Woodrow Wilson)他是美国惟一一位学者从政、竞选总统的人，他提出的“新自由”经济计划，恢复竞争，赢得人们欢心，后称他为“学者从政”和“人民总统”。

第二十九任总统哈定(Warren G.Harding) 他作风平易近人，被称为“逢人便攀谈的人”。

第三十任总统柯立芝 (Calvin Coolidge)他因谨言慎行而被称为“谨言慎行的卡尔”。

第三十一任总统胡佛 (Herbert Hoover)第一次世界大战期间，他从事国际救济工作卓有成效，被称为“伟大的人道主义者”。

第三十二任总统小罗斯福 (Franklin Delano Roosevelt)他因领导第二次世界大战取得胜利，被称为“赢得战争的总统”,连续四次担任美国总统,为美国历任总统之最。

第三十三任总统杜鲁门 (Harry S.Truman)他发表杜鲁门主义，面对危机从不退缩，被称为“美国最伟大的平民总统”。

第三十四任总统艾森豪威尔 (Dwight D.Eisenhower)他是五星上将，二战英雄，人称“高耸云霄的艾森豪威尔”。

第三十五任总统肯尼迪 (John F.Kennedy)他当选总统后成功解决了古巴导弹危机，被称为“60年代风云人物”和“林肯之后最年轻、最机智、最具领袖魅力、死后最受怀念的总统”。

第三十六任总统约翰逊 Lyndon Johnson)他被人称为“精力充沛的得克萨斯人”。

第三十七任总统尼克松 (Richard Nixon)他推动对苏缓和，同中国关系正常化，人称“最有争议，最善于自我宣传，最难捉摸的总统”。

第三十八任总统福特 (Gerald Ford) 他为人诚实体贴，被称为“好好先生”，又因他当副总统和总统都不是竞选的，又称“意外副总统和意外总统”。

第三十九任总统卡特 (Jimmy Carter)他被称为“读书最勤，品行端庄，诚实无欺的总统”。

第四十任总统里根 (Ronald Reagan)1981年他就职时70岁，人称“年龄最大的总统”。

第四十一任总统布什 George H.W.Bush)他获称为“最有外交经验的总统”。

第四十二任总统克林顿 (Bill Clinton)他喜欢折哀，不喜欢对抗，遇事绕圈子，使对方捉摸不透，被称为“圆滑的比尔”、“惟一历经四门(白水门、奶妈门、差旅门、州警门)而屹立不动”，最终因“拉链门及斯塔尔门而倒霉的总统”。

第四十三任总统小布什 (George W.Bush) 他是一位遭到大毁大誉的人物，有人赞美他是“坚定有力的反恐斗士”，有人指责他是“只会蛮干的牛仔”。

《美国总统演讲稿.doc》

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