马丁路德金演讲（精选多篇）

发布时间：2022-06-03 18:06:31 来源：演讲稿收藏本文下载本文手机版

推荐第1篇：马丁路德金演讲

Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

In a sense we\'ve come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the \"unalienable Rights\" of \"Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happine.\" It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked \"insufficient funds.\"

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we\'ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, \"When will you be satisfied?\" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until \"justice rolls down like waters, and righteousne like a mighty stream.\"

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: \"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.\"

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of \"interposition\" and \"nullification\" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：

我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！

让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！

不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！

I have a dream today!

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee.

推荐第2篇：马丁路德金演讲

马丁路德金演讲

篇1：马丁·路德金演讲稿：《我有一个梦想》马丁·路德·金简介马丁·路德·金（英语：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人刺杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。 1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。 1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起

“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。 1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。篇2：马丁路德金_我有一个梦想(中英文)演讲稿今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前，一位伟大的美国人--今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下--签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺--不论白人还是黑人--都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠著这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票--一张盖著“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任--因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州--一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变--尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行--在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。我今天怀有一个梦。我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！” I have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C.on August 28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.In a sense we have come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happine.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God\'s children.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the proce of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro\'s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousne like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Miiippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor\'s lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith with which I return to the South.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with a new meaning 篇3：马丁路德金简介和我有一个梦想英汉互译演讲稿以及演讲背景 1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。 1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。 1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。关于非暴力主张伴随着种族主义长大的马丁·路德·金，深受种族主义的伤害，所以他积极参加反对种族隔离制度的斗争。但他主张的却是非暴力的斗争，而这种斗争方式的确是有思想原因的。他受甘地主义和基督教教义影响很深，是一位典型的和平主义者。他强调在争取黑人自由平等权利的斗争中，不应干违法的事，不能让“创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行为”，必须要有“用精神力量对付武力”的崇高境界。这里的精神力量在他看来，就是要以基督教宣传的“博爱”、“仁慈”来感化黑人的敌人并使之放下屠刀。 1 金之所以有这种思想与其青年时的学习有直接关系的。他在宾夕法尼亚的克罗泽学院学习时，利用业余时间，阅读了著名的神学著作——人们写的关于信仰的书，还有哲学著作——关于生活方式的书。这些书的思想给其留下了深刻的印象，并最终用于实践。但使马丁·路德·金最为激动的则是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或称精神力量的哲学是印度人民对抗英帝国主义政治、军事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不断举行示威游行，反对外国政治的统治，无论这样统治是否出于善意。也无论是否正确，他们要自己来做出决定。甘地说虽然他们必须准备好为取得独立而牺牲自己的生命，他们也决不可为此而进行杀戮——不管受到多么粗暴的对待。马丁开始相信在印度能取得胜利，在美国也可以。他用自己的行动领导了一场声势浩大的以非暴力为原则的民权运动。本次演讲背景 50年代的美国南部，好像一座对付“解放了的”黑人的监狱。而阿拉巴马州又是种族歧视最为猖獗的一个州，在这里，黑人的选举权力受到野蛮剥夺和限制，骇人听闻的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不断发生，种族隔离制度使黑人不能与白人同校，不能在同一个教堂做礼拜，不准进入为白人开设的旅馆、客栈、饭馆和娱乐场所，连公共汽车站上也树立了栅栏，规定白人黑人分别上车。年轻的伴随着种族主义歧视长大的黑人牧师马丁·路德·金到任不久，便参加并领导了1955年蒙哥马利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽车的反种族歧视运动，最终迫使美国最高法院作出取消这种制度的决定。1963年他组织的伯明翰黑人争取自由平等权利的大规模游行示威，把黑人运动从南方推向北方。8月28日，斗争达到高潮。25万人聚集首都华盛顿，以和平集会方式举行“自由进军”的示威，就在林肯纪念堂前，马丁·路德·金向示威群众发表了这篇激动人心的演说。在演讲中，表达了他的非暴力主义思想以及他对自由平等公正的追求与憧憬。马丁路德金演讲稿I have a dream I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.2 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we\'ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 In a sense we\'ve come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights” of “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happine.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.” 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。 But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we\'ve come to cash this check, a 3 check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God\'s children.我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。 The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the proce of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful 4 deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。 We cannot walk alone.我们不能单独行动。 And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。 We cannot turn back.我们不能后退。 There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?” We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters, and righteousne like a mighty stream.” 5

推荐第3篇：马丁路德金演讲

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: \"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.\"

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

Free at last! free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

推荐第4篇：马丁路德金演讲

Martin Luther King, Jr.: \"I Have a Dream\"

delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

In a sense we have come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happine.It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked \"insufficient funds.\"

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God\'s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice.In the proce of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, \"When will you be satisfied?\" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousne like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Miiippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

This is our hope.This is the faith that I will go back to the South with.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day, this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning, \"My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!\" And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring -- from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of

Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring -- from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring -- from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that. Let freedom ring -- from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring -- from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee. Let freedom ring -- from every hill and molehill of Miiippi,

from every mountainside, let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God\'s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,

\"Free at last, free at last.

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last.\"

我有一个梦想

马丁·路德·金

今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

100年前，一位伟大的美国人—签署了《解放宣言》，今天我们就站在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严的宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫长黑夜。

然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到的自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。

因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。

如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。

我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。

我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。

回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。

朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个儿女将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。

这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌：

我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。

如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！

让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！

不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！

当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”

推荐第5篇：马丁路德金演讲赏析

马丁·路德·金--《我有一个梦想》赏析

最近，我在受老师上课的影响下细读了一篇演说稿，题目是《我有一个梦想》，让我感触非常深。《我有一个梦想》是1963年8月8日在美国第16届总统林肯纪念堂前举行《黑人解放宣言》100周年纪念活动时基督教牧师马丁路德金作的长篇演说，主要揭露了白人对黑人的残酷迫害，表达了对自由和幸福的渴望以及正义奋斗到底的决心。而这篇演讲也影响了一代有理想的年轻人。

《我有一个梦想》是一篇演讲稿，文中运用了许多的排比句，主要讲了黑人以及作者对自由的渴望，也揭示了黑人在白人心中的地位，读了这篇演讲稿我觉得，我们不应该因为别人的肤色、地位、家境就改变对他们的态度、看法，因为人人生而平等，没有高低贵贱之分，即使你出生再一个富裕的家庭也不代表你比人家高，因为你现在的富裕不是你的，而是他人努力的成果，只有通过自己的努力得来的，才是自己的，而出生的穷困人，也不用为了自己的身世而自卑，虽然你的家庭是穷困的，但是你可以通过自己的努力来改变现状。我希望以后我们可以生活在一个不是以人们的肤色、身份、地位，而是以我们的品格优劣来评价我们的国度里生活。

人人生而平等。

这样震撼人心，激励斗志，充分论理，洋溢热情，坚定信念，逻辑严密的演讲很少见。不论从思想性和艺术性上都可称得上极品。他的演讲，揭露问题一针见血，毫不隐晦，明明白白。这篇演讲稿里，每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对黑人自由的渴望；每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对奴隶主与奴隶能在同一片蓝天下生活的期望；每一个字都流露出马丁·路德·金对黑人与白人情同骨肉携手并进的希望。

马丁·路德·金的演讲稿《我有一个梦想》让我体会到了当时美国政府对黑人的不平等待遇。他那激情的演讲震撼了一个又一个的白人与黑人；那铿锵有力的声音唤醒了人们那沉睡多年的良心；那一浪接一浪的掌声给人们留下了永不磨灭的回忆。

马丁·路德·金的《我有一个梦想》这个演讲，不但给了人们永不磨灭的回忆，还让人们发现了自己对黑人的不公。现在，在去美国，再也不会看见白人对黑人投去蔑视的眼神了，真正地达到了马丁·路德·金所希望的那样“昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。”世界又变成了和平的时期。

首先本文拟将从文学体的角度，对于马丁·路德·金所作的演讲进行分析。通过这种分析来描写马丁·路德·金在演讲中的语言特点，以便更深刻得理解该演讲文体及其深层含义。

1.语域分析

任何语言使用都受到语域因素的影响，不同语域的语言使用也呈现着不用的规律和特点，马丁·路德·金的演讲也是。著名语言学家韩礼德（Halliday）把语域理论分为：语场，语旨和语式。语场是指语篇所涉及的社会活动或实际发生的事；语旨是指交际活动所涉及的人和他们之间的关系；语式是指语篇的载体形式即语言交际的渠道或媒介。

从整个语篇来看，该篇演讲没有很生僻，也没有特别长的单词，基本上都是日常生活中人们常见常用常听到的词汇。从语旨上来分析，马丁·路德·金面对的听众是黑人群体和一些民众，他们文化程度、知识背景不一，首先就要使所有的听众都听得懂他的演讲，因此，金用民众易于理解的词汇能够传递更多的信息。

从语场上来讲，该演讲的主题是有关黑人争取平等权利，取得真正的自由。因此，马丁·路德·金的演讲围绕这一主题展，那么出现在语篇当中的高频词汇就得与上述主题有明显的关联。我做了一个简单统计，发现其中Freedom（自由）出现20次，Justice（公平）出现11次，Right（权利）出现7次。由此看来，马丁·路德·金紧扣主题，一方面突出重点的目的，起到强调的作用；另一方面，表现了实现愿望的感情之强烈。

2.情态动词分析

语旨的变化主要表现在对人际意义的不同选择上。在词汇层面上，主要体现在语气，情态动词词汇的不用选择上。情态系统是表达说话者对事物的判断和评价的系统。金运用了不同的情态动词来实现他的不同人际意义。比如，原文中Will出现26次，Can和Must都出现8次。通过预测推断，有了这些信念，我们可以改变现状。Will表示将会，Can表示可以，能够，Must表达必须，义务的意思，从内容上看，无一不是一再的激起听众的热血，像他们传达着自由终会实现，大家终会解放的涵义。从语气上来看，也是递进的关系，这些情态动词的穿插使用更加坚定了广大黑人听众的信念，振奋精神。

《我有一个梦想》的作者马丁·路德·金生于1929年，是美国著名的黑人民权领袖。1948年大学毕业。1963年晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1946年获得诺贝尔和平奖。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工时被人谋杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。

马丁·路德·金用他犀利的言辞和有针对性的话语掷地有声地指出一百年前的伟大的林肯总统签署了解放黑奴宣言，那庄严的宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来希望。

但在一百多年后的今天，黑人依然没有得到自由，在种族隔离的脚铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活依然受压迫，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中的一个穷困的“小岛”，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落。

美利坚合众国的缔造者在草拟宪法和独立宣言时曾向每一个美国人许下诺言，承诺给予所有人以生存、自由和追求幸福的权力。可如今，美国显然没有实践她的诺言，只是给黑人一张说是可以给予黑人宝贵的自由和正义的保障的空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子便退了回来。没错，如今黑人的生活虽已普遍改善，但黑人遭受极不公正，不公正待遇的事件仍层出不穷。黑人虽已迎来了新生活，但旧思想，旧观念还是在少数白人的脑海里挥之不去，深入骨髓。

演讲还提醒如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么这对美国将是致命伤。自由和平等的凉爽秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。一九六三年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。黑人得不到公民的权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。

最后他还提到希望：我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有儿女：黑人和白人、犹太教徒和非犹太教徒、耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手牵手合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦！终于自由啦！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

马丁·路德·金用他的梦想给黑人勾画出美丽的蓝图，也给他们一个等待的理由。他的演讲获得热烈的拥护，也给他带来崇高声誉。全文思路明晰，富有逻辑性，不仅体现了作者的才情，更展现了作者高尚的追求和不屈的奋斗精神。马丁·路德·金通过他的努力，终于在他逝世40年后的今天实现了他的梦想：美国历史上有了第一位黑人总统奥巴马。而当年对黑人歧视很严重的密西西比州，亚拉巴马州，南卡罗来纳州，佐治亚州，路易斯安那州，如今也得到了很大的改善。

马丁·路德·金通过努力，使他的梦想已经不只是个梦想，而是实现。

推荐第6篇：马丁路德金演讲中文翻译

马丁路德金演讲 - 我们向何处去

南方基督教领袖会议亚特兰大，佐治亚 1967年8月16日

现在为了回答“我们向何处去”这一问题，也是我们的主题，我们必须首先明确我们的现状。当初拟定宪法时，一个不可思议的公式规定黑人在纳税和选举权方面只是一个完整人的60﹪。如今又一个匪夷所思的公式规定黑人是一个完整人的50%。对于生活中的好事，黑人大约只享有白人所享受的一半；而生活中的不愉快，黑人却要承受白人所面对的两倍。因此，所有黑人中有一半人住着低标准的住房。而且黑人的收入只是白人的一半。每当我们审视生活中的负面经历时，黑人总是占着双倍的分额。黑人失业者是白人的两倍。黑人婴儿的死亡率是白人的两倍，从黑人所占的总人口比率上看，在越南死亡的黑人是白人的两倍。

其他领域也有同样惊人的数字。在小学，黑人比白人落后一至三年，并且在他们种族隔离的学校，学生人均所得到的补贴比白人的学校少得多。20个上大学的学生中，只有一个是黑人。在职的黑人中，75﹪的人从事的是粗活。

这就是我们的现状。我们的出路在哪里？首先，我们必须维护自己的尊严和价值。我们必须要在一个仍然压迫着我们的体制中站起来，形成牢不可破且有威严的价值感。我们再不能因为自己是黑人而感到羞耻。要在几百年来灌输黑人是卑微的、无足轻重的人民心中唤起他们做人的尊严绝非易事。

黑色的描述和黑人的贡献

甚至语义学似乎也合谋把黑色的说成是丑陋和卑劣的。罗杰特分类词典中与黑色相关的同义词有120个，其中至少60个微词匿影藏行，例如，肮脏、煤烟、狰狞的、魔鬼的和令人作呕的。而与白色相关的同义词约有134个，他们却毫无例外都褒奖洋溢，诸如纯洁、洁净、贞洁和纯真此类词等。白色的（善意的）谎言总比黑色的（恶意的）谎言要好。家庭中最为人所不齿的成员被称为“黑羊”（既败家子）。奥西。戴维斯曾建议或许应重造英语语言，从而教师将不再迫不得已因教黑人孩子60种方式蔑视自己使他们延续不断怀有不应有的自卑感，而教白人孩子134种方式宠爱自己而使他们继续怀有一种错误的优越感。

忽视黑人对美国生活的贡献从而剥夺其做人的权利的倾向，早如美国最早的史书所记，近如每日晨报所载。为了打破这种文化扼杀，黑人必须奋起申明自己高贵的人格。任何忽略这一要点为黑人争取自由的任何运动都将徒劳无功。只要心灵被奴役，肉体就永远不会得到解放。心理上的自由，即强烈的自尊感，是战胜肉体受奴役之漫漫长夜中最强有力的武器。无论是林肯的“解放宣言”还是约翰逊的“民权法案”都不能完全带来这种自由。黑人惟有发自内心并用坚定的人格的笔墨签下自己的解放宣言才会得到真正的自由。黑人必须大胆无虑地抛弃那自我否定的枷锁，竭尽全力以自尊自重的精神，对自己、对世界说：“我非等闲之辈。我是人，我是一个有尊严，有荣誉的人。我有富有而高贵的历史。那是一段多么痛苦的受剥削的历史。是的，我从祖先那里继承了我的奴隶身份，但我并不为此感到羞愧。让我羞愧的是那些充满罪恶的人迫使我成为奴隶。”是的，我们必须站起来说：“我是黑人，我是美丽的。”黑人需要这种自我肯定，而白人对黑人所犯下的罪行使得这种自我肯定显得更为必要。

主要的挑战

另一个主要的挑战是在经济和政治上如何增强我们的势力。无庸质疑，黑人极其需要这种合法的权力。事实上，黑人所面临的一个严峻的问题就是权力匮乏。从南方陈旧的种植园到北方较新的贫民区，黑人一直被迫过者一种无声无息且无权无势的生活。由于被剥夺了决定自己生活和命运的权力，他们只能对这个白人权力机构所做出的专断的、有时是反复无常的决策听之任之。那些种植园和贫民区是由掌权的人开辟的，既可限制那些无权的人，又可使他们的无权状况延续下去。因此，改变贫民区的问题就是权力的问题---要求改变的权力和致力于维持社会现状的权力这两种力量之间的冲突。对于权力正确的理解应该是实现目的的能力。它意指能引发社会、政治、经济变化所需的力量。沃尔特鲁瑟曾为权力下过定义。他说：“权力就是像U.A.W（汽车工人联合会）这样的工会能使像通用汽车这样世界上最强大的公司想说‘不’时说‘是’的能力。这就是权力。”

我们中有许多人是传道士，而且我们所有的人都有自己的道德信念和所关心的事，也因此经常与权力有冲突。如果使用得当，权力并没有什么问题。问题是我们有些哲学家曲解了它。历史上的一大问题就是常把爱和权力的概念对立起来---把它们看作两极化的对立面---结果爱被认为须放弃权力，而权利则意味着对爱的屏弃。

正是这种曲解使得研究权力意志的哲学家尼采拒绝基督教的爱的概念。也是这种曲解诱使基督教的神学家们，以基督的爱的思想的名义拒绝尼采的权力意志的哲学。现在我们必须得把这一曲解改正过来。我们需要认识到没有爱的权力是毫无节制的、易被滥用的，而没有权力的爱则是多愁善感的、苍白无力的。最理想的权力是实现公正所需的爱，最理想的公正是改正任何阻挠爱的权力。这就是我们走向未来时必须要理解的。事实表明，我们在自己的国家对此有过误解及混淆，并因此导致了美国黑人曾试图用没有爱和良知的权力实现他们的目标。

这是导致一些极端分子今天倡导黑人应从白人手中谋求夺取他们曾深恶痛绝的毁灭性的、无良知的权力。正是这种邪恶的权力和没有权势的道义的冲突构成了我们时代的主要危机。

制定一个计划？

我们必须制定计划推动我们国家实现有保障的年收入。倘若是在本世纪初，这个提议或许会因其缺乏主动性和责任感而受到嘲笑和谴责。当时社会，经济地位被看作是衡量一个人的能力和才能的标准。并且以那时的衡量标准，财物的匮乏表明个人缺乏勤劳的习惯和道德观念。对于人类动机和我们经济体制的盲目运作的理解上，我们已取得了很大的进步。现在我们懂得，是我们混乱的经济市场操作和歧视盛行才使得人们无所事事，从而使他们违背自己的意愿长期或不断失业。今天，我希望穷人将不再像从前那样，因在我们的意识中被标榜为劣等或无能而常常被解雇。我们还必须懂得，无论经济如何快速发展都无法消除一切贫困。

这一问题表明我们的工作重点必须是双重的。我们要不提供全面就业，要不就要创收。无论如何，要想尽一切办法使人们成为消费者。一旦他们处于这样的位置，我们就必须关注个人的潜力不被浪费。我们应为那些找不到传统工作的人开拓新的对社会有益的工作形式。1879年，亨利乔治在他所著的“进步与贫穷“一书中就预见到了这样的形态：

事实上，人们从事改善人类处境的工作，从事传播知识、增强实力、丰富文学财富，以及升华思想的工作并不是为了谋生。这不同于奴隶被迫做工，奴隶做工是由于任务本身或工头所迫，或就是处于动物本能。而这种新的人类的工作，它本身能为生活带来保障，并创造一种消除了匮乏的社会形态。

倘使能大规模地增加这种工作，我们可能会发现，如果把住房和教育问题放在消除贫困之后，那么随着贫穷的消除，它们也会有所改善。被改造成购买者的穷人会依靠自己的力量大举改善其恶劣的住房状况。当有了额外的金钱这一武器，承受双重痛苦的黑人在他们反歧视的斗争中将会有更大的收效。

此外，广泛的经济保障必然会带来许多积极的心理上的改变。当命运掌握在自己手中，并有渠道寻求自我提高时，人的尊严就会达到颠峰。当不再用金钱的天平不公正地衡量一个人的价值时，夫妻子女间的冲突就会减少。

我们的国家有能力做到这些。约翰・肯尼斯・加尔布莱斯说每年大约200亿美元就可以实现有保障的年收入。今天我想对你们说，如果我们国家一年能花350亿美元在越南发动一场不公正的邪恶的战争，花200亿美元把人送上月球，那么她就能花费几十亿美元帮助上帝的孩子自立于这个世界。

致力于非暴力

现在，让我简单地说，我们必须重申对非暴力的承诺。我想强调这一点。近期所有的黑人骚乱都可悲地表明，暴力在争取种族平等的斗争中是徒劳无益的。昨天我试图分析这些骚乱及其缘由。今天我想揭示其另一面。诚然，骚乱总是令人悲伤痛苦。人们可以看到尖叫的年轻人和愤怒的成年人绝望而盲目地与不可能战胜的困难作战。然而，在他们内心深处，可以看见自我毁灭的欲望，一种自绝于世的渴望。

时有黑人争辩说，1965年的瓦特骚乱和其他城市的骚乱代表着有效的人权行动。但当问到这些骚乱最终取得了什么具体的收益时，那些持此观点者则支支吾吾、无以应答。那些骚乱顶多从被吓坏了的政府官员那里得到少量额外的扶贫金，和几处给贫民区的孩子们降温的喷水设施。这就好像给仍关在铁窗后的人改善监狱的伙食一样。没有任何骚乱能像有组织的抗议示威那样赢得实实在在的改进。而当试图请提倡暴力者说明，什么样的做法是最行之有效的时候，回答总是明显地不合逻辑。有时他们谈论颠覆种族歧视的政府和地方政府，又谈论游击战争。他们不懂得，除非政府已失去武装部队的支持和对其有效的控制，没有任何内部革命能够通过暴力成功地推翻政府。任何有理性的人都明白这在美国是绝不会发生的。当面临种族暴力的局势时，权利机构可以支配地方警察，州警察，国民警卫队，直至军队---所有这些武装大部分是由白人组成的。此外，除非那些主张暴力的少数人得到大多数不抵抗主义者的同情与支持，否则暴力革命很少或者说几乎没有成功的。尽管卡斯特罗可能有为数不多的古巴人在山上与他并肩作战，但是倘若他没有得到绝大多数的古巴人民的同情，他就绝不可能成功地推翻巴蒂斯塔政权。

显而易见，美国黑人的暴力革命不会得到白人甚至大多数黑人的同情和支持。现在不是进行浪漫的幻想，和对自由进行空洞的哲学论辩的时候。现在是行动的时候。我们需要的是寻求改变的策略，一个能使黑人尽快地融入到美国主流生活的高明方案。迄今为止，只有非暴力运动为此提供了可能。如果不能领悟到这一点，我们所有的只是不能解决、回答、解释问题的方案、答案和解释。

因此，今天我想告诉你们，我仍坚持非暴力这一原则。而且我仍然坚信，它是黑人在这个国家争取公正的斗争的最有效的武器。另外，我企盼一个更美好的世界。我企盼公正。我企盼兄弟情谊。我企盼真理。当一个人有此企盼时，他绝不会倡导暴力。因为暴力可能除掉一个凶手，但却不能消除谋杀。暴力可能除掉一个骗子，但却不能缔造真理。暴力可能除掉一个仇人，但却不能消除仇恨。黑暗不能驱除黑暗，只有光明才驱除黑暗。

我还想告诉你们，我已决意继续以爱为本。因为我知道爱是最终解决人类问题的唯一答案。因此，无论走到哪里我都会谈及此话题。我知道今天在某些圈子里这是一个不受欢迎的话题。我所谈及的爱不是情感纠葛。我所谈及的爱是一种强烈的、高要求的爱。因为我看到了太多的仇恨。在南部县治安官的脸上看到了太多的恨。在太多的三k党成员和南方白人公民议员的脸上看到仇恨，以至于我开始厌恶自己。因为每次我看到它，我知道这对他们的脸和他们的人格都有影响，我会对自己说，仇恨是一个令人难以承受的负担。因此我已决定以爱为本。倘若你在寻求最高层次的德行，我想你可以在爱中找到。美妙的是，当我们这样做的时候，我们在远离邪恶，因为约翰是正确的，神就是爱。心存怨恨的人不认识神，倒是心中有爱的人掌握了能够开启通向现实大门的钥匙。

在我结束这篇讲话前，我想告诉你们，当我们谈论“我们向何处去”时，我们应当真诚地面对这一事实：这一运动必须解决重建整个美国社会的问题。我们现有4000万穷人。总有一天我们必须提出这一问题：“美国为什么会有4000万穷人？”当你开始问这个问题时，你在质疑经济体制和更大范围的财富分配。当你问及这一问题时，你开始质疑资本主义经济。我的意思是，越问越会问及整个社会。我们有责任帮助那些在人生市场上沦为乞丐的失意的人。但我们终将会意识到一个制造乞丐的社会需要重建。这意味着必须质疑。我的朋友们，当你这样做时，你开始质疑“谁拥有石油？”你开始质疑“谁拥有铁矿？”你开始质疑“为什么在一个2/3被水覆盖的世界上人们还得交付水费？”这些就是必须要质疑的问题。

关于共产主义

不要以为今天你们抓住了我的把柄。我不是在谈论共产主义。

今天早上我要对你们说的是，共产主义忘记了生活是个人的。资本主义忘记了生活是社群的，而兄弟的王国既不是建立在共产主义的论点上，也不会建立在资本主义的对立面上，而是建立在一种更高的合成体上。它是建立在一种更高的两者真理结合的合成体上。当我说要质疑整个社会时，我指的是最终能懂得种族歧视、经济剥削和战争这些问题是密不可分的。它们是相互关联的三重罪恶。

请允许我在这里做一回传道人 --- 一天晚上，一个陪审员来见耶稣，他想知道他该做什么才能得救。耶稣没有以孤立的方式建议他不要做什么事。耶稣没有说，“尼哥底母，你必须停止撒谎。”他没有说，“尼哥底母，如果你在偷窃，你必须马上改正。” 他没有说，“尼哥底母，你不能犯奸淫的罪。” 他没有说，“尼哥底母，如果你酗酒，你必须马上停止。”他的回答迥然不同，因为耶稣知道事情的本质 --- 如果一个人撒谎，他就会偷窃。如果他偷窃，他就会杀人。因此，耶稣没有局限在一件事上，而是看着他说，“尼哥底母，你必须重生。”

换言之，他说，“你们对整个构架必须彻底改变。”一个奴役国民达244年之久的国家会把人“物化” --- 把他们当成东西看待。因此，他们以及所有的穷人会在经济上受到剥削。一个在经济上进行剥削的国家不得不向外国投资，并干一些别的什么巧取躲豪的勾当，因此需要军事力量来保护其利益。所有这些问题都是密不可分的。我今天要说的是当我们离开这个集会时，我们必须说，“美国，你必须重生！”

结尾

因此，我今天最后重申我们的任务，让我们带着“神圣的期待”开始抗争。让我们期待着美国不再患有信念上的高血压和行动上的贫血症。让我们期待着把城外富裕舒适的人与城内贫困绝望的人分隔开来的悲剧的墙被正义的攻城槌的力量摧毁。让我们期待着那些住在希望的郊野的人被带回到每日有保障的大都市中来。让我们期待着贫民窟都被丢进历史的垃圾堆，而每个家庭都能拥有体面的有卫生设施的家。让我们期待着遭受种族隔离的学校的黑暗的昨天会被取消种族隔离的素质教育的光明的明天所取代。让我们期待着种族融合将不再被看作是问题，而是参与创造多样化生活的魅力的机会。让我们期待着衡量黑人男女的尺度是他们的人格才识，而不是他们的肤色。让我们期待着。让我们期待着每一个州府都有一个行公义，好怜悯，存谦卑的心，与神同行的州长。让我们期待着在所有的市府里看到公平如大水滚滚，公义如江河滔滔。让我们期待着有一天狮子与羊羔同卧一处，所有的人都坐在自家的葡萄树和无花果树下，不再恐惧。让我们期待着。人类会明白上帝用同一个血脉创造了所有人，使之生活在地球表面上。让我们期待着，有一天不再有人叫嚣“黑人权力！” --- 而所有的人都会谈论上帝的权柄和人类的权力。

我必须承认，我的朋友们，前面的路不会总是平坦的。岩石遍布之处会带来挫败，蜿蜒曲折之处会令人迷惘。到处都会有不可避免的障碍。有时我们会从希望之巅跌入绝望之谷。我们的梦想有时会被打破；渺茫的希望有时会破灭。我们可能会泪眼模糊地再一次站在某位勇敢的人权志士的灵柩前，悲悼嗜血成性的暴民凶残地夺去他的生命。无论多么艰难，无论多么痛苦，我们必须以毫无畏惧的信念在未来的日子里勇往直前。当我们继续我们既定的征途时，我们能从昔日伟大的自由战士，黑人诗人詹姆斯·韦尔登·约翰逊的诗中得到慰籍：

踏过布满荆棘的道路忍受过棍棒的鞭笞之苦在孕育的希望破灭之时依旧前进、摸索。

伴着坚定的步伐即使双脚疲惫也依旧来到了

我们祖先为之叹息的地方？我们一路走过浸满泪水的道路。我们已艰难踏上

流淌着烈士鲜血的小径。

走出阴暗的过去，迄今我们终于站在自我们明亮的星辰洒下的光明的维曦中。

让这一信念成为我们的战斗口号。它将给我们勇气以面对无法预见的未来。它将给我们疲惫的双脚以新的力量，向着自由之城大踏步继续我们的征程。当绝望的阴云密布，我们的日子变得阴郁无望时，当我们的夜晚变得比1000个深夜还黑暗时，让我们记住宇宙间有一种创造力，能把巨大的邪恶的山脉折断，一种力量能在绝境之处开辟新径，把黑暗的昨天变成光辉灿烂的明天。让我们铭记道德的苍穹长又长，但它终将落向正义。

让我们铭记威廉·卡伦·布莱恩特的至理名言：“被压倒的真理，终必站起来。” 让我们记得《圣经》里的真理，“不要自欺，神是轻慢不得的；人种的是什么，收的也是什么。” 这就是我们对未来的希望，带着这个信念，我们就会在不远的明天用宇宙的过去时来歌唱 “我们已经胜利，我们已经胜利。在我心灵的深处，我曾坚信我们会胜利。”

推荐第7篇：马丁路德金演讲特点英文版

One of the most distinct characteristics of Martin Luther\'s speech is the inoculated use of parallel structures.The use of this kind of rhetoric makes his language brim with artistic effects.For instance, when talking about the relationship between love and power, he said: \"What is needed is a realization that power without love is reckle and abusive, and love without power is sentimental and anemic.\" This sentence uses symmetrical structures to highlight the indivisible connection of love and power.As another example, in the climax of Martin Luther\'s speech, he said.“Let us be diatisfied until...Let us be diatisfied until...\".There are multiple symmetrical phrases of the similar content, tone and structure which make the paragraph so clear and imposing that exprees the goal of the civil rights movement vividly.In brief, it is the use of a series of parallel structures that makes Martin Luther\'s speech are filled with literary charm and artistic effects, or so become a lighthouse of lingering night to civil movement.

推荐第8篇：马丁路德金演讲励志演讲(中英文)

马丁路德金演讲稿我有一个梦想（英文版）

演讲时间：1963年8月27日

演讲地点：林肯纪念堂前

I have a dream

Go back to Miiippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope.This is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.My country, ’ tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing: Land where my fathers died, Land of the pilgrims’ pride, From every mountainside Let freedom ring.And if America is to be a great nation this must become true.So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York! Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi! From every mountainside, let freedom ring! When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”

马丁路德金演讲励志演讲

我有一个梦想

一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的；人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来！让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来！让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起！让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来！让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来！不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来！让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来！让自由之声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来！让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。

当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦！终于自由啦！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

推荐第9篇：马丁路德金

Martin’s journey of oppose

After read \"The Quest for peace and Justice\" I realize that the problems we can meet that is not only include what we can always meet in our daily life, and there are many problems worthy paying our attention to understanding.Man kinds meet a lot of problems split recently, such as racial discrimination, poverty and war.

When I see the racial discrimination at the first time, my mind was a complete blank .It because that I had never direct acce to this before .The lifetime I live in is a small comfortable circle about my family and school, the relaxed situation has already made me lo the wandering consciousne.Back to the topic of racial discrimination, discrimination for me is not so strange, we live in a small circle, often encounter that someone has poor family condition.Such as the clothing, food, shelter and transportation of ancient them were quite simple.But I feel these two kinds of discrimination is not the same meaning.What I get from his article is that I realize what the meaning of racial discrimination is.To be discriminated from those black how helple, but because they are helple and I admire and love of the Martin, it is Martin\'s leadership allowed the discrimination against the blacks had, they acted to secure their own dignity, as Martin\'s quest for peace and justice in the representations of\" the majority of the people determined to end their nation and country suffered the exploitation and oppreion, they are awakening, and to the general goals of advancing towards them.

Poverty is always with us.However, we have to get rid of poverty countermeasures.To my knowledge, poverty is no money going hungry, and Martin in this article with such an example, say about a guy named Malthus some pretty terrible conclusion.He predicted that the human family is gradually moving towards global solution state, because the world population is growing faster than the maintenance of the survival of people food and other material growth rate.See here is for a time lets me be frightened, but in fear at the same time I had a for their own comfort, but then another example of destroyed my only comfort, it is Harvard University geographer Dr.Mather wrote a book called rich and saving, his argument is famine the modern world is completely avoided.Because of science, scientific provide all, human natural resources does not exist the problem of the shortage, inadequate human intention.See here reminds me of that a little comfort is why, it is to face the wrong to find reasons to justify the heart, but poverty is caused by the man himself, and when people encounter these problems, find some reasons to comfort themselves and not to solve.Secure people live in abundance, for the community in poverty and exploitation phenomenon often completely indifferent, not to regard it as right.

The others didn\'t help you when we should for own revolt.It is because of this mentality, article in this sentence makes me feel very deep\" personally I have this confidence; mankind will be two period, for this rapidly to the era of turning direction\".As long as you are confident, everything is poible.

While reading the same Martin about racial discrimination \"I have a Dream\" let me know to justice, at the same time in this article a word to let I very like\" In the proce of gain gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.” This sentence not only inspire me deal with the problems and setbacks very well , also help me to face problems full of confident.

推荐第10篇：马丁路德金

Martin Luther King is a worldwide famous man and an honorable hero in the history of the United States because of his great devotion to leading black Americans to fightover their legal civil rights .It is Martin Luther King who had pushed American history in human rights development forwardby callingonblack people to fight together fortheir legal rights peacefully .The excitingcivil rights movement of the 60sand 70s in the US wasthe key that madehim a star .

Thetimeof Kingis oneoftheworstinAmerican humanrightituation .Atan early age , MartinLuther Kingsawpeoplewith black skinbeingtreatedunfairlyandheavily discriminatedby the whiteAmericansandalsoasablackman heexperiencedthe hardship brought by thelegal racial segregation.After more frequently hearing bad news about black people\'s beingbadlytreated, Kingthoughtit\'s timeto stoptheevil racial segregationandforthe black to gettheircivil rights thathad beenpromisedlongtimeago .Therefore , Kingcalledonall theblack toactfor their rights , startingtheexcitingmovement from60s to 70s.

Thoughlikeotherblack people Kingdesperatelywanted to betreatedequally, hedecidedtorealize his dreambyasking the black to take peacefulmeasuresandshowtheirkind side , whichthenmadehimnotonlyaccepted bytheblack,butalsothepeopleacrothecountryandevenfromallovertheworld .

第11篇：马丁路德金

Reading Notes On “Martin Luther King”

We all know a famous speech “I have a dream” given by Martin Luther King, but I believe that most of us know little about him.In order to get more information about him, I read the book “Martin Luther King” and a legend and great life formed in my mind.

In January 15th, 1929.Martin Luther King was born in southern states of Atlanta, Georgia where white people thought they were superior to black people, so we can imagine how difficult for the Kings to itherre, but such condition live gave him a firm and persistent character and laid a fundamental in the rest of his life.

Also, we know that “Non-violent resistant” was come up with Gandhi who led the struggle for Indian independent from Britain by refusing to fight.Gandhi’s ideas appealed to King and healso believed a peaceful approach would be the best way to fight against racial discrimination ,so during his life time ,though he led many boycotts marches demonstrations ,such as the bus boycott to ask for equal ride right, sit-ins to ask for equal vote right and so on .They all took peaceful ways to fight for their legal rights.For these reasons, King was thrown into prison 16 times ,but every time he was set free, he continued his fight with even more energetic and confidenceFor his outstanding contribution to the peace, perceived The Nobel Peace Prize in December,1964.However, King was murdered in 1968.The word were shocked by his death, the then President Johnson order the American flag to be flown at half-mast, and the third Monday in January is now a national holiday in King’s memory.

第12篇：马丁路德金

一个国家的繁荣，不取决于它的国库之殷实，不取决于它的城堡之坚固，也不取决于它的公共设施之华丽；而在于它的公民的文明素养，即在于人们所受的教育，人们的远见卓识和品格的高下，这才是真正的利害所在，真正的力量所在。——马丁*路德*金

第13篇：马丁路德金

I Have a Dream 马丁路德金我有一个梦想（中英对照）

by Martin Luther King, Jr.马丁路德金

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

symbolic英 [sɪmˈbɔlɪk] 美 [sɪmˈbɑlɪk] adj.象征的，象征性的 withering英 [ˈwiðəriŋ] 美 [ˈwɪðərɪŋ] adj.使人畏缩的，使人害羞的，使人难堪的

v.（使）枯萎，（使）干枯，（使）凋谢( wither的现在分词 )；萎缩，（尤指渐渐）破灭，消失

captivity英 [kæpˈtɪvɪti:] 美 [kæpˈtɪvɪti] n.被俘；囚禁；束缚

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

adj.跛腿的，残废的crippled英 [ˈkrɪpld] 美 [ ˈkrɪpl:d] manacles[\'mænəklz手铐 segregation 英 [ˈsegrɪˈgeɪʃən] 美 [ˈsɛɡrɪˈɡeʃən n.分离，隔离；种族隔离；[化]分离，偏析；熔析

discrimination 歧视；辨别，区别；辨别力，识别力；不公平的待遇 exile vt.放逐，流放；使背井离乡

n.流放，放逐，流亡；长期离家[出国]；被流放者，背井离乡者

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we\'ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 heir 继承人 unalloyed英 [ˈʌnəˈlɔɪd] 美 [ˈʌnəˈlɔɪd adj.非合金的；不掺杂的；纯粹的；真正的 defaulted违约

insofar as在什么范围内 insufficient不足的英 [ˈɪnsəˈfɪʃənt] 美 [ˈɪnsəˈfɪʃənt obligation英 [ˈɔbliˈɡeiʃən] 美 [ˈɑblɪˈɡeʃən义务 In a sense we\'ve come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the \"unalienable Rights\" of \"Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happine.\" It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked \"insufficient funds.\"

从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可侵犯的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。

但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

hallowed英 [ˈhæləʊd] 美 [ˈhælod神圣的 fierce英 [fiəs] 美 [fɪrs] adj.凶猛的，残忍的；猛烈的；狂热的

luxury英 [ˈlʌkʃəri] 美 [ˈlʌɡʒəri, ˈlʌkʃə-

n.奢侈，豪华；奢侈品，美食，美衣；乐趣，享受；不常有的乐趣（或享受、优势）adj奢华的

tranquillity英 [træŋˈkwɪlɪti:, træn-] 美 [træŋˈkwɪlɪti, træn-] 心神镇定 desolate[英] 英 [ˈdesəlit] 美 [ˈdɛsəlɪt adj.无人的；荒凉的；孤独的，凄凉的；荒废的 vt.使荒无人烟，使荒芜；使凄凉，使孤单

fatal英 [ˈfeitəl] 美 [ˈfetl]

adj.致命的，攸关的；毁灭性的，严重的；命中注定的；重大的 sweltering英 [ˈsweltərɪŋ] 美 [ˈswɛltərɪŋ adj.闷热的；热得没气力的 v.热得难受( swelter的现在分词 legitimate 英 [liˈdʒitimit] 美 [ləˈdʒɪtəmɪt]

adj.合法的，合理的；正规的；合法婚姻所生的；真正的，真实的

vt.使合法；给予合法的地位；通过法律手段给（私生子）以合法地位；正式批准，授权

invigorating[inˈviɡəreitiŋ生词本 adj.精神充沛的，爽快的；爽快的 v.使生机勃勃( invigorate的现在分词 revolt 英 [riˈvəult] 美 [rɪˈvolt]

vt.（使）厌恶

vi.反叛，背叛；厌恶，反感 n.造反，起义

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 threshold英 [ˈθreʃhəuld] 美 [ˈθrɛʃˈold, -ˈhold]

n.门槛，入口，开始；[物理学]临界值；级限协定；[航空学]跑道入口 adj.阈值的，临界值的；按物价指数变动工资的，工资极限的，级限的

hatred英 [ˈheitrid] 美 [ˈhetrɪd n.仇恨，憎恶；敌意 dignity英 [ˈdiɡniti] 美 [ˈdɪɡnɪti]

n.尊严；高尚；自豪；自尊 discipline英 [ˈdisiplin] 美 [ˈdɪsəplɪn vt.训练；使有纪律；处罚；使有条理

n.训练；纪律；学科；符合行为准则的行为（或举止

但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。

marvelous英 [ˈmɑ:vələs] 美 [ˈmɑrvələs]

adj.引起惊异的；不可思议的；非凡的；神乎其神 militancy英 [ˈmɪlɪtənsi] 美 [ˈmɪlɪtənsi] n.战斗性，交战状态 engulfed[enˈgʌlft]

v.吞没，包住( engulf的过去式和过去分词英 [ˈɪnɪkˈstrɪkəbli] 美 [ˈɪnɪkˈstrɪkəbli]

adv.逃不掉地；解决不了地；形影不离地；不可解脱

席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任--因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

We cannot walk alone.

我们不能单独行动。

pledge英 [pledʒ] 美 [plɛdʒ]

n.保证，誓言；[法]抵押权；公约；（表示友谊的）干杯 vt.& vi.使发誓，保证；典当，抵押

vt.许诺；用„担保；以誓言约束；向„祝酒 vi.作出庄重有约束力的誓言；祝愿，祝酒

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。

We cannot turn back.

我们不能后退。

devotees[ˈdevəˈti:z]

n.热爱者( devotee的名词复数 civil 英 [ˈsivl] 美 [ˈsɪvəl]

adj.公民的，市民的；文明的，有礼貌的；民用的，国民间的；[法]民事的，根据民法的

brutality英 [bru:ˈtælɪti:] 美 [bruˈtælɪti] n.残忍；野蛮；暴虐行为 fatigue英 [fəˈti:ɡ] 美 [fəˈtiɡ] n.疲劳，疲乏；劳务杂役；（士兵穿的）工作服vt.使疲劳；使疲乏 vi.疲劳 righteousne生词本低频词，记不记随你啦！英 [ˈraɪtʃəsnəs] 美 [ˈraɪtʃəsnəs] n.正直；正当；正义

有人问热心民权运动的人：\"你们什么时候会感到满意？\"只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被\"仅供白人\"的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。

tribulations [ˈtrɪbjəˈleɪʃənz] n.苦难( tribulation的名词复数 )；艰难；苦难的缘由；痛苦 veterans[ˈvetərənz]

n.经验丰富的人，老兵( veteran的名词复数 )；退伍军人 redemptive 英 [rɪˈdemptɪv] 美 [rɪˈdemptɪv]

adj.赎回的，挽回的，用于补偿的

回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。

wallow生词本英 [ˈwɔləʊ] 美 [ˈwɑlo] vi.沉迷；打滚；簸在海浪中颠 n.（动物）打滚的地方；堕落；泥坑

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: \"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.\"

我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：\"我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。\"

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚洲的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。

sweltering生词本英 [ˈsweltərɪŋ] 美 [ˈswɛltərɪŋ] adj.闷热的；热得没气力的 v.热得难受( swelter的现在分词 oppreion英 [əˈpreʃən] 美 [əˈprɛʃən]

n.压迫；被压迫的状态；压迫物；沉闷，苦恼 oasis英 [əʊˈeɪsɪs] 美 [oˈesɪs] n.（沙漠中的）绿洲；（困苦中）令人快慰的地方（或时刻）；乐土，宜人之地；慰藉物

I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州--一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

I have a dream today!

我今天怀有一个梦。

interposition [ɪntəpəˈzɪʃɵn] n.提出（异议）行为；插嘴（插入）行为；提出（异议）的事；插嘴（插入）的事 nullification生词本英 [ˈnʌlifiˈkeiʃən] 美 [ˈnʌləfɪˈkeʃən] n.无效；废弃；取消；使无价值

我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变--尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行--在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

I have a dream today!

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。

jangling[ˈdʒæŋgəlɪŋ]

v.铁器相碰发出刺耳的声音( jangle的现在分词 )；烦扰，刺激神经

有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride, 这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，

From every mountainside, let freedom ring! 让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。

prodigious生词本低频词，记不记随你啦！英 [prəˈdɪdʒəs] 美 [prəˈdɪdʒəs] adj.异常的，惊人的；巨大的，庞大的；奇异的；非常的比较级：more prodigious 最高级：most prodigious

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！

mighty生词本中频词，你记住了吗？英 [ˈmaɪti:] 美 [ˈmaɪti] adj.趾高气扬；巨大的；强有力的；浩瀚的

adv.非常，很

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！

Pennsylvania生词本英 [pensilˈveinjə,-niə] 美 [ˈpɛnsəlˈvenjə, -ˈveniə] n.宾夕法尼亚州

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！

curvaceous 英 [kɜ:ˈveɪʃəs] 美 [kə:ˈveʃəs]

adj.（尤指妇女）体型富于曲线美的

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！

But not only that: 不，不仅如此；

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee.让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi.让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God\'s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: 当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：

Free at last! free at last! \"终于自由了！终于自由了！

Almighty生词本低频词，记不记随你啦！英 [ɔ:lˈmaiti] 美 [ɔlˈmaɪti] adj.全能的；万能的；有无限权力的；非常的 adv.非常 n.全能的神

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！\"

第14篇：马丁路德金

马丁路德金《I have a dream》演讲稿完整版

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.one hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we\'ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we\'ve come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the \"unalienable Rights\" of \"Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happine.\" It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked \"insufficient funds.\" But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we\'ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksand’s of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God\'s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the proce of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, \"When will you be satisfied?\" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro\'s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: \"For Whites Only.\" We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until \"justice rolls down like waters, and righteousne like a mighty stream.\"

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Miiippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: \"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.\" I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of \"interposition\" and \"nullification\" one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; \"and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.\" This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God\'s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

第15篇：马丁路德金

马丁·路德·金（英语：Martin Luther King, Jr.，1929年1月15日－1968年4月4日），著名的美国民权运动领袖。1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在前发表《》的演说。1964年度获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人刺杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日个人简介

马丁·路德·金，将“非暴力”和“直接行动”作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。1929年1 月15日，马丁·路德·金在亚特兰大出生。马丁·路德·金是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯的外孙，威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会的牧师和全国有色人种协进会亚特兰大分会的发起人；马丁·路德·金是老马丁·路德·金的儿子，老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师。马丁·路德·金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院的学业后，马丁·路德·金又在宾夕法尼亚州的克劳泽神学院和波士顿大学就读，在学习中，马丁·路德·金加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。前期运动

1953年，马丁·路德·金和柯瑞塔·斯科特结婚。第二年，他在阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会当了一名牧师。1955年，他获得了系统神学的博士学位。1955年12月5日，民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯拒绝遵从蒙哥马利

公车上的种族隔离政策，在此之后，黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年，马丁·路德·金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月，美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法，蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展，马丁·路德·金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议。1959年，马丁·路德·金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底，马丁·路德·金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大，和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。

1960 年，黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议的浪潮，这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会的形成。马丁·路德·金支持学生运动，并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕他，但他们不满于马丁·路德·金自上而下的领导作风，进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问，曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克向其他民权组织代表阐明，学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动”中，马丁·路德·金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评，加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动中继续着。

发展壮大

1963 年4月12日，马丁·路德·金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行。金博士本人当天被捕。他在狱中写作了《来自伯明翰监狱的书简》。书简中，他阐述了美国民权运动的初衷、期望和梦想，批驳了对民权运动的种种指责。1963年夏天，当沙特尔沃思牧师在白宫会见美国总统肯尼迪时，他说：“没有伯明翰，我们今天不可能坐在这里。”此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突，作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应，他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求，这促成了 1964 年民权法案的通过。稍后，在 1963年8月28日，群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”的运动过程中达到高潮，此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上，马丁·路德·金发表了“我有一个梦想”的著名演讲。

人生高潮

马丁·路德·金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊的年度

人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖而持续上升。然而，除了名气和赞美，运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·爱克斯的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣，城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时，金还要面对“黑人权力”运动发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔的公开批评。

2011年8日28日，马丁.路德.金的纪念雕像在华盛顿国家广场揭幕。在此前，只有华盛顿、杰弗逊、林肯和罗斯福等几位美国历史上著名的总统在这里立有纪念塑像,马丁.路德.金是头一位生前作为社会批评家的平民政治人物被在此加以纪念，也是第一位非洲裔政治领袖的纪念物，其意义非同一般。为何他能赢得和这几位著名总统并列的声望地位？正是他以和平抗争维护了《独立宣言》和《联邦宪章》自由平等民主正义的基本价值观，使他和这几位总统一样，为美国人民广泛推崇而享誉美国历史。遭遇暗杀

不仅马丁·路德·金的努力效果受到黑人领导层分裂状况的干扰，而且他也遭受到来自国家行政领导人日渐增强的阻挠。1967年城市种族间暴力升级，美国联邦调查局主管埃德加·胡佛则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评，使得他与林登·约翰逊政府关系紧张。

1967年底，马丁·路德·金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动，这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年，在支持孟菲斯清洁工人的罢工中，他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”。1968年4月4日晚在田纳西州孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店遭暗杀身亡，终年39岁。

第16篇：马丁路德金

1948年大学毕业。1948年到1951年间，在美国东海岸的费城继续深造。1963年，马丁·路德·金晋见了肯尼迪总统，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利。1963年8月28日在林肯纪念堂前发表《我有一个梦想》的演说。1964年度诺贝尔和平奖获得者。1968年4月，马丁·路德·金前往孟菲斯市领导工人罢工被人谋杀，年仅39岁。1986年起美国政府将每年1月的第三个星期一定为马丁路德金全国纪念日。

中文名：马丁·路德·金外文名： Martin Luther King, Jr.

别名：美国民权运动领袖

国籍：美国

出生地：美国亚特兰大

出生日期：1929.01.15逝世日期：1 968.04.04 职业：牧师毕业院校：波士顿大学信仰：基督教美国黑人民权运主要成就：动

代表作品：《我有一个梦想》

第17篇：全英文马丁路德金演讲后感

NOT JUST A DREAM Martin Luther King is best known for being an iconic figure in the advancement of civil rights in the United States and around the world, using nonviolent methods following the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi.

We all know about Dr King’s civil rights work, and his I HAVE A DREAM speech.But did we all know that he had two other dreams? WHERE DO WE COME FROM HERE? that explains Dr King’s vision for the end of poverty has been out of print 40 years.He not only focused on Civil Rights, but illustrated a sort of socialist vision for an integrated society.We could have ended poverty a decade ago, except we choose to attach Iraq and blow up a trillion dollars doing it instead of ending poverty.Dr.King provided a snapshot of where Americans were in 1967.Two turning points had been reached.First, his program of nonviolent direct action was clearly winning the struggle against old fashioned southern segregation, and Dr.King was looking toward the next step.He believed that the next logical step toward setting people free was a maive government program addreing the problem of poverty.Second, within the civil rights movement, a \"black power\" mentality was gaining prominence.Some argued that whites should be excluded from the civil rights movement, and that nonviolence should be abandoned.Dr.King insisted that this approach would only balkanize our country, having disastrous effect, especially on blacks.

He brings us to the question of what African-Americans should do with their new, dearly fought for freedoms found in laws such as the Voting Rights Act of 1965.All Americans black and white must unite in order to fight poverty and create a new equality of opportunity.King is neither a Marxist nor a doctrinaire socialist; he instead advocates for a united social movement that would act within both the Republican and Democratic parties.He rightly concluded the riots of 1966 and thereafter was \"uprisings\" against the awful reality that African American equality must a go along with adequate wages, quality schools, and decent houses.All initial aims of the Johnson

1 administration.African Americans were impoible without meaningful creation of jobs, quality education, and a radical change of the forms and vigorous confrontation with and the elimination over time of American racism.King aerts that capitalism itself would have be hugely revamped so it is more inclusive, and, lastly, American militarism is not only brutal to American youth, but has slaughtered millions of human beings in Asia, and now elsewhere, while reroutes billions of dollars from eential programs that could battle U.S.poverty.Poverty is an American way of life, including not only African Americans, but other minorities, workers, and southerners.

American must realized that there was something terribly wrong with her economic system which permits millions of poor to exist in a land brimming with wealth.Although Dr.King as one of the greatest orators in American history.is no longer with us, his meage has been preserved. 2

第18篇：i have a dream 马丁路德金演讲

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration示威游行 for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic 象征性的

shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation解放黑奴宣言

.This momentous decree重要

法令 came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we\'ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

今天，我高兴的同大家一起参加这次将成为我国历史上为争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。

100年前，一位伟大的美国人--今天我

们就站在他象征性的身影下--签署了《解放黑奴宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而100年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。100年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。100年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。100年后的今天，黑人仍然蜷缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于世。

就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言，他们承诺所有人--不论白人还是黑人--都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。

就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现——这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义保障。

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God\'s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候，现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候，现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的磐石上的时候。

如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。1963年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒气就会满足；如果国家安之若素，毫无反应，这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的基本权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静，正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the proce of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们，有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中，我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须永远举止得体，纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。

现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神，但是不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到，他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的，他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。

We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, \"When will you be satisfied?\"

We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.

We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.

We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro\'s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.

We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating \"for whites only.\"

We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.

No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until \"justice rolls down like waters, and righteousne like a mighty stream.\"

我们不能单独行动。

当我们行动时，我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人，“你们什么时候才能满足？”

只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野

蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。

只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。

只要我们的孩子被“仅限白人”的标语剥夺自我和尊严，我们就绝不会满足。

只要密西西比州仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。

不！我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛，汹涌澎湃，滚滚而来。

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

让我们回到密西西比去，回到亚拉巴马去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不可自拔。

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想，这个梦想深深扎根于美国的梦想之中。

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: \"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.\" I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of \"interposition\" and \"nullification\" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为真理是不言而喻，人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。

今天，我有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

今天，我有一个梦想。

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。

有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山岗。”

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现！

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that.Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God\'s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨的崇山峻岭响起来！

让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来！

让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼山响起来！

让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山响起来！

让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来！

不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来！

让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来！

让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来！

让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来！当我们让自由之声响起，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：

“自由啦！自由啦！感谢全能上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

第19篇：全英文马丁路德金演讲后感

NOTJUSTADREAM

Martin Luther King is best known for being an iconic figure in the advancement of civil rights in the United States and around the world, using nonviolent methods following the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi.

He rightly concluded the riots of 1966 and thereafter was \"uprisings\" against the awful reality that African American equality must a go along with adequate wages, quality schools, and decent houses.All initial aims of the Johnson1

administration.African Americans were impoible without meaningful creation of jobs, quality education, and a radical change of the forms and vigorous confrontation with and the elimination over time of American racism.King aerts that capitalism itself would have be hugely revamped so it is more inclusive, and, lastly, American militarism is not only brutal to American youth, but has slaughtered millions of human beings in Asia, and now elsewhere, while reroutes billions of dollars from eential programs that could battle U.S.poverty.Poverty is an American way of life, including not only African Americans, but other minorities, workers, and southerners.

第20篇：马丁路德金演讲稿

28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning.Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, \'When will you be satisfied?\' We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousne like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Miiippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.

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