6世界名人英语演讲词

Dare to Compete, Dare to Care

Dare to compete.Dare to care.Dare to dream.Dare to love.Practice the art of making poible.And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.

It is such an honor and pleasure for me to be back at Yale, especially on the occasion of the 300th anniversary.I have had so many memories of my time here, and as Nick was speaking I thought about how I ended up at Yale Law School.And it tells a little bit about how much progre we‘ve made.

What I think most about when I think of Yale is not just the politically charged atmosphere and not even just the superb legal education that I received.It was at Yale that I began work that has been at the core of what I have cared about ever since.I began working with New Haven legal services representing children.And I studied child development, abuse and neglect at the Yale New Haven Hospital and the Child Study Center.I was lucky enough to receive a civil rights internship with Marian Wright Edelman at the Children‘s Defense Fund, where I went to work after I graduated.Those experiences fueled in me a paion to work for the benefit of children, particularly the most vulnerable.

Now, looking back, there is no way that I could have predicted what path my life would have taken.I didn‘t sit around the law school, saying, well, you know, I think I‘ll graduate and then I‘ll go to work at the Children‘s Defense Fund, and then the impeachment inquiry, and Nixon retired or resigns, I‘ll go to Arkansas.I didn‘t think like that.I was taking each day at a time.

But, I‘ve been very fortunate because I‘ve always had an idea in my mind about what I thought was important and what gave my life meaning and purpose.A set of values and beliefs that have helped me navigate the shoals, the sometimes very treacherous sea, to illuminate my own true desires, despite that others say about what l should care about and believe in.A paion to succeed at what l thought was important and children have always provided that lone star, that guiding light.Because l have that absolute conviction that every child, especially in this, the most bleed of nations that has ever existed on the face of earth, that every child deserves the opportunity to live up to his or her God-given potential.

But you know that belief and conviction-it may make for a personal miion statement, but standing alone, not translated into action, it means very little to anyone else, particularly to those for whom you have those concerns.

When I was thinking about running for the United States Senate-which was such an enormous decision to make, one I never could have dreamed that I would have been making when I was here on campus-I visited a school in New York City and I met a young woman, who was a star athlete.

I was there because of Billy Jean King promoting an HBO special about women in sports called ―Dare to compete.‖ It was about Title IX and how we finally, thanks to government action, provided opportunities to girls and women in sports.

And although I played not very well at intramural sports, I have always been a strong supporter of women in sports.And I was introduced by this young woman, and as I went to shake her hand she obviously had been reading the newspapers about people saying I should or shouldn‘t run for the

Senate.And I was congratulating her on the speech she had just made and she held onto my hand and she said, ―Dare to compete, Mrs.Clinton.Dare to compete.‖

I took that to heart because it is hard to compete sometimes, especially in public ways, when your failures are there for everyone to see and you don‘t know what is going to happen from one day to the next.And yet so much of life, whether we like to accept it or not, is competing with ourselves to be the best we can be, being involved in claes or profeions or just life, where we know we are competing with others.

I took her advice and I did compete because I chose to do so.And the biggest choices that you‘ll face in your life will be yours alone to make.I‘m sure you‘ll receive good advice.You‘re got a great education to go back and reflect about what is right for you, but you eventually will have to choose and I hope that you will dare to compete.And by that I don‘t mean the kind of cutthroat competition that is too often characterized by what is driving America today.I mean the small voice inside you that says to you, you can do it, you can take this risk, you can take this next step.

And it doesn‘t mean that once having made that choice you will always succeed.In fact, you won‘t.There are setbacks and you will experience difficult disappointments.You will be slowed down and sometimes the breath will just be knocked out of you.But if you carry with you the values and beliefs that you can make a difference in your own life, first and foremost, and then in the lives of others.You can get back up, you can keep going.

But it is also important, as I have found, not to take yourself too seriously, because after all, every one of us here today, none of us is deserving of full credit.I think every day of the bleings my birth gave me without any doing of my own.I chose neither my family nor my country, but they as much as anything I‘ve ever done, determined my course.

You compare my or your circumstances with those of the majority of people who‘ve ever lived or who are living right now, they too often are born knowing too well what their futures will be.They lack the freedom to choose their life‘s path.They‘re imprisoned by circumstances of poverty and ignorance, bigotry, disease, hunger, oppreion and war.

So, dare to compete, yes, but maybe even more difficult, dare to care.Dare to care about people who need our help to succeed and fulfill their own lives.There are so many out there and sometimes all it takes is the simplest of gestures or helping hands and many of you understand that already.I know that the numbers of graduates in the last 20 years have worked in community organizations, have tutored, have committed themselves to religious activities.

You have been there trying to serve because you have believed both that it was the right thing to do and because it gave something back to you.You have dared to care.

Well, dare to care to fight for equal justice for all, for equal pay for women, against hate crimes and bigotry.Dare to care about public schools without qualified teachers or adequate resources.Dare to care about protecting our environment.Dare to care about the 10 million children in our country who lack health insurance.Dare to care about the one and a half million children who have a parent in jail.The seven million people who suffer from HIV/AIDS.And thank you for caring enough to demand

that our nation do more to help those that are suffering throughout this world with HIV/AIDS, to prevent this pandemic from spreading even further.

And I‘ll also add, dare enough to care about our political proce.You know, as I go and speak with students I‘m impreed so much, not only in formal settings, on campuses, but with my daughter and her friends, about how much you care, about how willing you are to volunteer and serve.You may have mied the last wave of the dot.com revolution, but you‘ve understood that the dot.community revolution is there for you every single day.And you‘ve been willing to be part of remarking lives in our community.

And yet, there is a real resistance, a turning away from the political proce.I hope that some of you will be public servants and will even run for office yourself, not to win a position to make and impreion on your friends at your 20th reunion, but because you understand how important it is for each of us as citizens to make a commitment to our democracy.

Your generation, the first one born after the social upheavals of the 60‘s and 70‘s, in the midst of the technological advances of the 80‘s and 90‘s, are inheriting an economy, a society and a government that has yet to understand fully, or even come to grips with, our rapidly changing world.

And so bring your values and experiences and insights into politics.Dare to help make, not just a difference in politics, but create a different politics.Some have called you the generation of choice.You‘ve been raised with multiple choice tests, multiple channels, multiple websites and multiple lifestyles.You‘ve grown up choosing among alternatives that were either not imagined, created or available to people in prior generations.

You‘ve been invested with far more personal power to customize your life, to make more free choices about how to live than was ever thought poible.And I think as I look at all the surveys and research that is done, your choices reflect not only freedom, but personal responsibility.

The social indicators, not the headlines, the social indicators tell a positive story: drug use and cheating and arrests being down, been pregnancy and suicides, drunk driving deaths being down.Community service and religious involvement being up.But if you look at the area of voting among 18 to 29 year olds, the numbers tell a far more troubling tale.Many of you I know believe that service and community volunteerism is a better way of solving the iues facing our country than political engagement, because you believe-choose one of the following multiples or choose them all-government either can‘t understand or won‘t make the right choices because of political preures, inefficiency, incompetence or big money influence.

Well, I admit there is enough truth in that critique to justify feeling disconnected and alienated.But at bottom, that‘s a personal cop-out and a national peril.Political conditions maximize the conditions for individual opportunity and responsibility as well as community.Americorps and the Peace Corps exist because of political decisions.Our air, water, land and food will be clean and safe because of political choices.Our ability to cure disease or log onto the Internet have been advanced because of politically determined investments.Ethnic cleansing in Kosovo ended because of political leadership.Your parents and grandparents traveled here by means of government built and subsidized transportation systems.Many used GI Bills or government loans, as I did, to attend college.

Now, I could, as you might gue, go on and on, but the point is to remind us all that government is us and each generation has to stake its claim.And, as stakeholders, you will have to decide whether or not to make the choice to participate.It is hard and it is, bringing change in a democracy, particularly now.There‘s so much about our modern times that conspire to lower our sights, to weaken our vision-as individuals and communities and even nations.

It is not the vast conspiracy you may have heard about; rather it‘s a silent conspiracy of cynicism and indifference and alienation that we see every day, in our popular culture and in our prodigious consumerism.

But as many have said before and as Vaclav Havel has said to memorably, ―It cannot suffice just to invent new machines, new regulations and new institutions.It is neceary to understand differently and more perfectly the true purpose of our existence on this Earth and of our deeds.‖ And I think we are called on to reject, in this time of bleings that we enjoy, those who will tear us apart and tear us down and instead to liberate our God-given spirit, by being willing to dare to dream of a better world.

During my campaign, when times were tough and days were long I used to think about the example of Harriet Tubman, a heroic New Yorker, a 19th century Moses, who risked her life to bring hundreds of slaves to freedom.She would say to those who she gathered up in the South where she kept going back year after year from the safety of Auburn, New York, that no matter what happens, they had to keep going.If they heard shouts behind them, they had to keep going.If they heard gunfire or dogs, they had to keep going to freedom.Well, those aren‘t the risks we face.It is more the silence and apathy and indifference that dogs our heels.

Thirty-two years ago, I spoke at my own graduation from Wellesley, where I did call on my fellow clamates to reject the notion of limitations on our ability to effect change and instead to embrace the idea that the goal of education should be human liberation and the freedom to practice with all the skill of our being the art of making poible.

For after all, our fate is to be free.To choose competition over apathy, caring over indifference, vision over myopia, and love over hate.

Just as this is a special time in your lives, it is for me as well because my daughter will be graduating in four weeks, graduating also from a wonderful place with a great education and beginning a new life.And as I think about all the parents and grandparents who are out there, I have a sense of what their feeling.Their hearts are leaping with joy, but it‘s hard to keep tears in check because the presence of our children at a time and place such as this is really a fulfillment of our own American dreams.Well, I applaud you and all of your love, commitment and hard work, just as I applaud your daughters and sons for theirs.

And I leave these graduates with the same meage I hope to leave with my graduate.Dare to compete.Dare to care.Dare to dream.Dare to love.Practice the art of making poible.And no matter what happens, even if you hear shouts behind, keep going.

Thank you and God ble you all.

一、Martin Luther King, Jr.

\"I Have a Dream\" I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity.One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.And so we\'ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we\'ve come to our nation\'s capital to cash a check.When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promiory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the \"unalienable Rights\" of \"Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happine.\" It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promiory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned.Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked \"insufficient funds.\" But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt.We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.And so, we\'ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism.Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God\'s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment.This sweltering summer of the Negro\'s legitimate discontent will not pa until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to busine as usual.And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the proce of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterne and hatred.We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence.Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.And they have come to realize that their

freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, \"When will you be satisfied?\" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality.We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.*We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro\'s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: \"For Whites Only.\"* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Miiippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote.No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until \"justice rolls down like waters, and righteousne like a mighty stream.\"¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations.Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality.You have been the veterans of creative suffering.Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.Go back to Miiippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream.It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: \"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.\" I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Miiippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppreion, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of \"interposition\" and \"nullification\" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; \"and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.\"²

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God\'s children will be able to sing with new

meaning: My country \'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim\'s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tenneee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Miiippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God\'s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³

二、John F.Kennedy Inaugural Addre Vice President Johnson, Mr.Speaker, Mr.Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change.For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.The world is very different now.For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at iue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been paed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witne or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to aure the survival and the succe of liberty.This much we pledge -- and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends.United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of

colonial control shall not have paed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of ma misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progre, to aist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggreion or subversion anywhere in the Americas.And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world aembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakne.For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind\'s final war.So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakne, and sincerity is always subject to proof.Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors.Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to \"undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppreed go free.\"¹

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days.Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final succe or failure of our course.Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty.The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the

globe.Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, \"rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,\"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can aure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it.I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation.The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it.And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His bleing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God\'s work must truly be our own.

三、Franklin Delano Roosevelt

First Inaugural Addre President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:

This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will addre them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.So, first of all, let me aert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- namele, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankne and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is eential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distre comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind\'s goods have failed, through their own

stubbornne and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happine lies not in the mere poeion of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of succe goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busine which too often has given to a sacred trust the likene of callous and selfish wrongdoing.Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredne of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing lo through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progre towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.There must be an end to speculation with other people\'s money.And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congre in special seion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate aistance of the 48 States.Through this program of action we addre ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and neceity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest aurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progre can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes poible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I aume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is poible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lo of eential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stre of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congre may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congre shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congre for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time.I can do no le.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousne of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the aurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the -- the future of eential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the bleing of God. May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.

四、Barbara Charline Jordan 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Addre Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in convention to select a Presidential candidate.Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate.And our meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition.But there is something different about tonight.There is something special about tonight.What is different? What is special? I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.When -- A lot of years paed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote addre.But tonight, here I am.And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don\'t choose to do that.I could list the many problems which Americans have.I could list the problems which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed.I could recite these problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions.But I don\'t choose to do that either.The citizens of America expect more.They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.We are a people in a quandary about the present.We are a people in search of our future.We are a people in search of a national community.We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of America.We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all of us are equal.Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties.They have often turned to the Democratic Party.What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing.Our concept of governing is derived from our

view of people.It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the national conscience of all of us.Now what are these beliefs? First, we believe in equality for all and privileges for none.This is a belief -- This is a belief that each American, regardle of background, has equal standing in the public forum -- all of us.Because -- Because we believe this idea so firmly, we are an inclusive rather than an exclusive party.Let everybody come.I think it no accident that most of those immigrating to America in the 19th century identified with the Democratic Party.We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds.We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people is to be extended, not restricted.This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate in the management of the government.They must have that, we believe.We believe that the government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition.The government must remove them, seek to remove them.We.We are a party -- We are a party of innovation.We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must.We are willing to suffer the discomfort of change in order to achieve a better future.We have a positive vision of the future founded on the belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed.We believe that.This, my friends is the bedrock of our concept of governing.This is a part of the reason why Americans have turned to the Democratic Party.These are the foundations upon which a national community can be built.Let all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for short-term political gains.They represent what this country is all about.They are indigenous to the American idea.And these are principles which are not negotiable.In other times -- In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of the Democratic Party and that would be enough.But today that is not enough.People want more.That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to decide to vote Democratic.We have made mistakes.We realize that.We admit our mistakes.In our haste to do all things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions.And when the people raised their voices, we didn\'t hear.But our deafne was only a temporary condition, and not an irreversible condition.Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the heart.They\'ll recognize that.And now -- now we must look to the future.Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their common sense.If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common ties that bind all Americans.Many fear the future.Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe that their voices are never heard.Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their private interests.But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants.If that happens, who then will speak for America? Who then will speak for the common good? This is the question which must be answered in 1976: Are we to be one people bound together by common spirit, sharing in a common endeavor; or will we become a divided nation? For all of its uncertainty, we cannot flee the future.We must not become the \"New Puritans\" and reject our society.We must addre and master the future together.It can be done if we restore the belief that we share a

sense of national community, that we share a common national endeavor.It can be done.There is no executive order; there is no law that can require the American people to form a national community.This we must do as individuals, and if we do it as individuals, there is no President of the United States who can veto that decision.As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves.We are a generous people, so why can\'t we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas Jefferson: Let us restore the social intercourse -- \"Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things.\" A nation is formed by the willingne of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the common good.A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping the future of this nation.In this election year, we must define the \"common good\" and begin again to shape a common future.Let each person do his or her part.If one citizen is unwilling to participate, all of us are going to suffer.For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each one of us.And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves \"public servants\" but I\'ll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the nation.It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good.More is required -- More is required of public officials than slogans and handshakes and pre releases.More is required.We must hold ourselves strictly accountable.We must provide the people with a vision of the future.If we promise as public officials, we must deliver.If -- If we as public officials propose, we must produce.If we say to the American people, \"It is time for you to be sacrificial\" -- sacrifice.If the public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give.We must be.And again, if we make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them.We have to do that.What we have to do is strike a balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that government ought to do nothing.Strike a balance.Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community.It\'s tough, difficult, not easy.But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that we share a common destiny; if each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterne seem to prevail, that we share a common destiny.I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.I have that confidence.We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic.There is no way to improve upon that.But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that system and realize our destiny.Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniquene of a Barbara Jordan making a keynote addre.Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national community in which every last one of us participates: \"As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master.\" This -- This -- \"This exprees my idea of Democracy.Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy.\" Thank you.

五、Richard M.Nixon

\"Checkers\" My Fellow Americans,

I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and integrity has been questioned.Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to deny them without giving details.I believe we\'ve had enough of that in the United States, particularly with the present Administration in Washington, D.C.To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the facts is to tell the truth.And that\'s why I\'m here tonight.I want to tell you my side of the case.I\'m sure that you have read the charge, and you\'ve heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars from a group of my supporters.Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong.I\'m saying, incidentally, that it was wrong, not just illegal, because it isn\'t a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn\'t enough.The question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong -- if any of that 18,000 dollars went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use.I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given and secretly handled.And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors for the contributions that they made.And now to answer those questions let me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any other money of that type ever went to me for my personal use.Every penny of it was used to pay for political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was not a secret fund.As a matter of fact, when I was on \"Meet the Pre\" -- some of you may have seen it last Sunday -- Peter Edson came up to me after the program, and he said, \"Dick, what about this \"fund\" we hear about?\" And I said, \"Well, there\'s no secret about it.Go out and see Dana Smith who was the administrator of the fund.\" And I gave him [Edson] his [Smith\'s] addre.And I said you will find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be charged to the Government.And third, let me point out -- and I want to make this particularly clear -- that no contributor to this fund, no contributor to any of my campaigns, has ever received any consideration that he would not have received as an ordinary constituent.I just don\'t believe in that, and I can say that never, while I have been in the Senate of the United States, as far as the people that contributed to this fund are concerned, have I made a telephone call for them to an agency, or have I gone down to an agency in their behalf.And the records will show that, the records which are in the hands of the administration.Well, then, some of you will say, and rightly, \"Well, what did you use the fund for, Senator?\" \"Why did you have to have it?\" Let me tell you in just a word how a Senate office operates.First of all, a Senator gets 15,000 dollars a year in salary.He gets enough money to pay for one trip a year -- a round trip, that is -- for himself and his family between his home and Washington, D.C.And then he gets an allowance to handle the people that work in his office to handle his mail.And the allowance for my State of California is enough to hire 13 people.And let me say, incidentally, that that allowance is not paid to the Senator.It\'s paid directly to the individuals that the Senator puts on his pay roll.But all of these people and all of these allowances are for strictly official busine; busine, for example, when a constituent writes in and wants you to go down to the Veteran\'s Administration and get some information about his GI policy -- items of that type, for example.But there are other expenses which

are not covered by the Government.And I think I can best discu those expenses by asking you some questions.Do you think that when I or any other Senator makes a political speech, has it printed, should charge the printing of that speech and the mailing of that speech to the taxpayers? Do you think, for example, when I or any other Senator makes a trip to his home State to make a purely political speech that the cost of that trip should be charged to the taxpayers? Do you think when a Senator makes political broadcasts or political television broadcasts, radio or television, that the expense of those broadcasts should be charged to the taxpayers? Well I know what your answer is.It\'s the same answer that audiences give me whenever I discu this particular problem: The answer is no.The taxpayers shouldn\'t be required to finance items which are not official busine but which are primarily political busine.Well, then the question arises, you say, \"Well, how do you pay for these and how can you do it legally?\" And there are several ways that it can be done, incidentally, and that it is done legally in the United States Senate and in the Congre.The first way is to be a rich man.I don\'t happen to be a rich man, so I couldn\'t use that one.Another way that is used is to put your wife on the pay roll.Let me say, incidentally, that my opponent, my opposite number for the Vice Presidency on the Democratic ticket, does have his wife on the pay roll and has had it -- her on his pay roll for the ten years -- for the past ten years.Now just let me say this: That\'s his busine, and I\'m not critical of him for doing that.You will have to pa judgment on that particular point.But I have never done that for this reason: I have found that there are so many deserving stenographers and secretaries in Washington that needed the work that I just didn\'t feel it was right to put my wife on the pay roll.

My wife\'s sitting over here.She\'s a wonderful stenographer.She used to teach stenography and she used to teach shorthand in high school.That was when I met her.And I can tell you folks that she\'s worked many hours at night and many hours on Saturdays and Sundays in my office, and she\'s done a fine job, and I am proud to say tonight that in the six years I\'ve been in the House and the Senate of the United States, Pat Nixon has never been on the Government pay roll.What are other ways that these finances can be taken care of? Some who are lawyers, and I happen to be a lawyer, continue to practice law, but I haven\'t been able to do that.I\'m so far away from California that I\'ve been so busy with my senatorial work that I have not engaged in any legal practice.And, also, as far as law practice is concerned, it seemed to me that the relationship between an attorney and the client was so personal that you couldn\'t poibly represent a man as an attorney and then have an unbiased view when he presented his case to you in the event that he had one before Government.And so I felt that the best way to handle these neceary political expenses of getting my meage to the American people and the speeches I made -- the speeches that I had printed for the most part concerned this one meage of exposing this Administration, the Communism in it, the corruption in it -- the only way that I could do that was to accept the aid which people in my home State of California, who contributed to my campaign and who continued to make these contributions after I was elected, were glad to make.And let me say I\'m proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me for a special favor.I\'m proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me to vote on a bill other than of my own conscience would dictate.And I am proud of the fact that the taxpayers, by subterfuge or otherwise, have never paid one dime for expenses which I thought were political and shouldn\'t be charged to the taxpayers.Let me say, incidentally, that some of you may say, \"Well, that\'s all right, Senator, that\'s your

explanation, but have you got any proof?\" And I\'d like to tell you this evening that just an hour ago we received an independent audit of this entire fund.I suggested to Governor Sherman Adams, who is the Chief of Staff of the Dwight Eisenhower campaign, that an independent audit and legal report be obtained, and I have that audit here in my hands.It\'s an audit made by the Price Waterhouse & Company firm, and the legal opinion by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, lawyers in Los Angeles, the biggest law firm, and incidentally, one of the best ones in Los Angeles.I am proud to be able to report to you tonight that this audit and this legal opinion is being forwarded to General Eisenhower.And I\'d like to read to you the opinion that was prepared by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, and based on all the pertinent laws and statutes, together with the audit report prepared by the certified public accountants.Quote: It is our conclusion that Senator Nixon did not obtain any financial gain from the collection and disbursement of the fund by Dana Smith; that Senator Nixon did not violate any federal or state law by reason of the operation of the fund; and that neither the portion of the fund paid by Dana Smith directly to third persons, nor the portion paid to Senator Nixon, to reimburse him for designated office expenses, constituted income to the Senator which was either reportable or taxable as income under applicable tax laws. Now that, my friends, is not Nixon speaking, but that\'s an independent audit which was requested, because I want the American people to know all the facts, and I am not afraid of having independent people go in and check the facts, and that is exactly what they did.But then I realized that there are still some who may say, and rightfully so -- and let me say that I recognize that some will continue to smear regardle of what the truth may be -- but that there has been, understandably, some honest misunderstanding on this matter, and there are some that will say, \"Well, maybe you were able, Senator, to fake this thing.How can we believe what you say? After all, is there a poibility that maybe you got some sums in cash? Is there a poibility that you may have feathered your own nest?\" And so now, what I am going to do -- and incidentally this is unprecedented in the history of American politics -- I am going at this time to give to this television and radio audio -- audience, a complete financial history, everything I\'ve earned, everything I\'ve spent, everything I own.And I want you to know the facts.I\'ll have to start early.I was born in 1913.Our family was one of modest circumstances, and most of my early life was spent in a store out in East Whittier.It was a grocery store, one of those family enterprises.The only reason we were able to make it go was because my mother and dad had five boys, and we all worked in the store.I worked my way through college, and, to a great extent, through law school.And then in 1940, probably the best thing that ever happened to me happened.I married Pat who\'s sitting over here.We had a rather difficult time after we were married, like so many of the young couples who may be listening to us.I practiced law.She continued to teach school.Then, in 1942, I went into the service.Let me say that my service record was not a particularly unusual one.I went to the South Pacific.I gue I\'m entitled to a couple of battle stars.I got a couple of letters of commendation.But I was just there when the bombs were falling.And then I returned -- returned to the United States, and in 1946, I ran for the Congre.When we came out of the war -- Pat and I -- Pat during the war had worked as a stenographer, and in a bank, and as an economist for a Government agency -- and when we came out, the total of our savings, from both my law practice, her teaching and all the time that I was in the war, the total for that entire period was just a little le than 10,000 dollars.Every cent of that, incidentally, was in Government bonds.Well that\'s where we start, when I go into politics.Now, what have I earned since I went into politics? Well, here it is.I\'ve jotted it down.Let me read the notes.First of all, I\'ve had my salary as a Congreman and as a Senator.Second, I have received a total in this past six years of 1600 dollars from estates which were in my law firm at the time that I

severed my connection with it.And, incidentally, as I said before, I have not engaged in any legal practice and have not accepted any fees from busine that came into the firm after I went into politics.I have made an average of approximately 1500 dollars a year from nonpolitical speaking engagements and lectures.And then, fortunately, we\'ve inherited a little money.Pat sold her interest in her father\'s estate for 3,000 dollars, and I inherited 1500 dollars from my grandfather.We lived rather modestly.For four years we lived in an apartment in Parkfairfax, in Alexandria, Virginia.The rent was 80 dollars a month.And we saved for the time that we could buy a house.Now, that was what we took in.What did we do with this money? What do we have today to show for it? This will surprise you because it is so little, I suppose, as standards generally go of people in public life.First of all, we\'ve got a house in Washington, which cost 41,000 dollars and on which we owe 20,000 dollars.We have a house in Whittier, California which cost 13,000 dollars and on which we owe 3000 dollars.My folks are living there at the present time.I have just 4000 dollars in life insurance, plus my GI policy which I\'ve never been able to convert, and which will run out in two years.I have no life insurance whatever on Pat.I have no life insurance on our two youngsters, Tricia and Julie.I own a 1950 Oldsmobile car.We have our furniture.We have no stocks and bonds of any type.We have no interest of any kind, direct or indirect, in any busine.Now, that\'s what we have.What do we owe? Well in addition to the mortgage, the 20,000 dollar mortgage on the house in Washington, the 10,000 dollar one on the house in Whittier, I owe 4500 dollars to the Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., with interest 4 and 1/2 percent.I owe 3500 dollars to my parents, and the interest on that loan, which I pay regularly, because it\'s the part of the savings they made through the years they were working so hard -- I pay regularly 4 percent interest.And then I have a 500 dollar loan, which I have on my life insurance.Well, that\'s about it.That\'s what we have.And that\'s what we owe.It isn\'t very much.But Pat and I have the satisfaction that every dime that we\'ve got is honestly ours.I should say this, that Pat doesn\'t have a mink coat.But she does have a respectable Republican cloth coat, and I always tell her she\'d look good in anything.One other thing I probably should tell you, because if I don\'t they\'ll probably be saying this about me, too.We did get something, a gift, after the election.A man down in Texas heard Pat on the radio mention the fact that our two youngsters would like to have a dog.And believe it or not, the day before we left on this campaign trip we got a meage from Union Station in Baltimore, saying they had a package for us.We went down to get it.You know what it was? It was a little cocker spaniel dog in a crate that he\'d sent all the way from Texas, black and white, spotted.And our little girl Tricia, the six year old, named it \"Checkers.\" And you know, the kids, like all kids, love the dog, and I just want to say this, right now, that regardle of what they say about it, we\'re gonna keep it.It isn\'t easy to come before a nationwide audience and bare your life, as I\'ve done.But I want to say some things before I conclude that I think most of you will agree on.Mr.Mitchell, the Chairman of the Democratic National Committee, made this statement -- that if a man couldn\'t afford to be in the United States Senate, he shouldn\'t run for the Senate.And I just want to make my position clear.I don\'t agree with Mr.Mitchell when he says that only a rich man should serve his Government in the United States Senate or in the Congre.I don\'t believe that represents the thinking of the Democratic Party, and I know that it doesn\'t represent the thinking of the Republican Party.I believe that it\'s fine that a man like Governor Stevenson, who inherited a fortune from his father, can run for President.But I also feel that it\'s eential in this country of ours that a man of modest means can also run for President, because, you know, remember Abraham Lincoln, you remember what he said: \"God must have loved the common people -- he made so many of them.\" And now I\'m going to suggest some courses of conduct.First of all, you have read in the papers about

other funds, now.Mr.Stevenson apparently had a couple -- one of them in which a group of busine people paid and helped to supplement the salaries of State employees.Here is where the money went directly into their pockets, and I think that what Mr.Stevenson should do should be to come before the American people, as I have, give the names of the people that contributed to that fund, give the names of the people who put this money into their pockets at the same time that they were receiving money from their State government and see what favors, if any, they gave out for that.I don\'t condemn Mr.Stevenson for what he did, but until the facts are in there is a doubt that will be raised.And as far as Mr.Sparkman is concerned, I would suggest the same thing.He\'s had his wife on the payroll.I don\'t condemn him for that, but I think that he should come before the American people and indicate what outside sources of income he has had.I would suggest that under the circumstances both Mr.Sparkman and Mr.Stevenson should come before the American people, as I have, and make a complete financial statement as to their financial history, and if they don\'t it will be an admiion that they have something to hide.And I think you will agree with me -- because, folks, remember, a man that\'s to be President of the United States, a man that\'s to be Vice President of the United States, must have the confidence of all the people.And that\'s why I\'m doing what I\'m doing.And that\'s why I suggest that Mr.Stevenson and Mr.Sparkman, since they are under attack, should do what they\'re doing.Now let me say this: I know that this is not the last of the smears.In spite of my explanation tonight, other smears will be made.Others have been made in the past.And the purpose of the smears, I know, is this: to silence me; to make me let up.Well, they just don\'t know who they\'re dealing with.I\'m going to tell you this: I remember in the dark days of the Hi case some of the same columnists, some of the same radio commentators who are attacking me now and misrepresenting my position, were violently opposing me at the time I was after Alger Hi.But I continued to fight because I knew I was right, and I can say to this great television and radio audience that I have no apologies to the American people for my part in putting Alger Hi where he is today.And as far as this is concerned, I intend to continue to fight.Why do I feel so deeply? Why do I feel that in spite of the smears, the misunderstanding, the neceity for a man to come up here and bare his soul as I have -- why is it neceary for me to continue this fight? And I want to tell you why.Because, you see, I love my country.And I think my country is in danger.And I think the only man that can save America at this time is the man that\'s running for President, on my ticket -- Dwight Eisenhower.You say, \"Why do I think it is in danger?\" And I say, look at the record.Seven years of the Truman-Acheson Administration, and what\'s happened? Six hundred million people lost to the Communists.And a war in Korea in which we have lost 117,000 American casualties, and I say to all of you that a policy that results in the lo of 600 million people to the Communists, and a war which cost us 117,000 American casualties isn\'t good enough for America.And I say that those in the State Department that made the mistakes which caused that war and which resulted in those loes should be kicked out of the State Department just as fast as we get them out of there.And let me say that I know Mr.Stevenson won\'t do that because he defends the Truman policy, and I know that Dwight Eisenhower will do that, and that he will give America the leadership that it needs.Take the problem of corruption.You\'ve read about the me in Washington.Mr.Stevenson can\'t clean it up because he was picked by the man, Truman, under whose Administration the me was made.You wouldn\'t trust the man who made the me to clean it up.That\'s Truman.And by the same token you can\'t trust the man who was picked by the man that made the me to clean it up -- and that\'s Stevenson.And so I say, Eisenhower, who owed nothing to Truman, nothing to the big city boes -- he is the man

that can clean up the me in Washington.Take Communism.I say that as far as that subject is concerned the danger is great to America.In the Hi case they got the secrets which enabled them to break the American secret State Department code.They got secrets in the atomic bomb case which enabled them to get the secret of the atomic bomb five years before they would have gotten it by their own devices.And I say that any man who called the Alger Hi case a red herring isn\'t fit to be President of the United States.I say that a man who, like Mr.Stevenson, has pooh-poohed and ridiculed the Communist threat in the United States -- he said that they are phantoms among ourselves.He has accused us that have attempted to expose the Communists, of looking for Communists in the Bureau of Fisheries and Wildlife.I say that a man who says that isn\'t qualified to be President of the United States.And I say that the only man who can lead us in this fight to rid the Government of both those who are Communists and those who have corrupted this Government is Eisenhower, because Eisenhower, you can be sure, recognizes the problem, and he knows how to deal with it.Now let me that finally, this evening, I want to read to you, just briefly, excerpts from a letter which I received, a letter which after all this is over no one can take away from us.It reads as follows: Dear Senator Nixon,

Since I am only 19 years of age, I can\'t vote in this presidential election, but believe me if I could you and General Eisenhower would certainly get my vote.My husband is in the Fleet Marines in Korea.He\' a corpsman on the front lines and we have a two month old son he\'s never seen.And I feel confident that with great Americans like you and General Eisenhower in the White House, lonely Americans like myself will be united with their loved ones now in Korea.I only pray to God that you won\'t be too late.Enclosed is a small check to help you in your campaign.Living on $85 a month, it is all I can afford at present, but let me know what else I can do.Folks, it\'s a check for 10 dollars, and it\'s one that I will never cash.And just let me say this: We hear a lot about prosperity these days, but I say why can\'t we have prosperity built on peace, rather than prosperity built on war? Why can\'t we have prosperity and an honest Government in Washington, D.C., at the same time? Believe me, we can.And Eisenhower is the man that can lead this crusade to bring us that kind of prosperity.And now, finally, I know that you wonder whether or not I am going to stay on the Republican ticket or resign.Let me say this: I don\'t believe that I ought to quit, because I am not a quitter.And, incidentally, Pat\'s not a quitter.After all, her name was Patricia Ryan and she was born on St.Patrick\'s day, and you know the Irish never quit.

But the decision, my friends, is not mine.I would do nothing that would harm the poibilities of Dwight Eisenhower to become President of the United States.And for that reason I am submitting to the Republican National Committee tonight through this television broadcast the decision which it is theirs to make.Let them decide whether my position on the ticket will help or hurt.And I am going to ask you to help them decide.Wire and write the Republican National Committee whether you think I should stay on or whether I should get off.And whatever their decision is, I will abide by it.But just let me say this last word: Regardle of what happens, I\'m going to continue this fight.I\'m going to campaign up and down in America until we drive the crooks and the Communists and those that defend them out of Washington.And remember folks, Eisenhower is a great man, believe me.He\'s a great man.And a vote for Eisenhower is a vote for what\'s good for America.And what\'s good for America....[interrupted by broadcaster]

六、Franklin Delano Roosevelt

Pearl Harbor Addre to the Nation Mr.Vice President, Mr.Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives: Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambaador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American meage.And while this reply stated that it seemed usele to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago.During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expreions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces.I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost.In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area.The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves.The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congre and of the people when I aert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist.There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.I ask that the Congre declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.

七、Malcolm X

The Ballot or the Bullet Mr.Moderator, Reverend Cleage, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters, and friends -- and I see some enemies.In fact, I think we‘d be fooling ourselves if we had an audience this large and didn‘t realize that there were some enemies present.

This afternoon we want to talk about \"The ballot or the bullet.\" The ballot or the bullet explains itself.But before we get into it, since this is the year of the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify some things that refer to me personally -- concerning my own personal position.I\'m still a Muslim.That is, my religion is still Islam.My religion is still Islam.I still credit Mr.Mohammed for what I know and what I am.He\'s the one who opened my eyes.At present, I\'m the Minister of the newly founded Muslim Mosque, Incorporated, which has its offices in the Teresa Hotel, right in the heart of Harlem -- that‘s the black belt in New York city.And when we realize that Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister, he‘s the -- he heads Abyinian Baptist Church, but at the same time, he‘s more famous for his political struggling.

And Dr.King is a Christian Minister, in Atlanta -- from Atlanta Georgia -- or in Atlanta, Georgia, but he‘s become more famous for being involved in the civil rights struggle.There‘s another in New York, Reverend Galamison -- I don‘t know if you‘ve heard of him out here -- he‘s a Christian Minister from Brooklyn, but has become famous for his fight against a segregated school system in Brooklyn.Reverend Cleage, right here, is a Christian Minister, here in Detroit.He‘s the head of the \"Freedom Now Party.\" All of these are Christian Ministers -- All of these are Christian Ministers, but they don‘t come to us as Christian Ministers.They come to us as fighters in some other category.I‘m a Muslim minister.The same as they are Christian Ministers, I‘m a Muslim minister.And I don‘t believe in fighting today in any one front, but on all fronts.In fact, I‘m a \"Black Nationalist Freedom Fighter.\" Islam is my religion, but I believe my religion is my personal busine.It governs my personal life, my personal morals.And my religious philosophy is personal between me and the God in whom I believe; just as the religious philosophy of these others is between them and the God in whom they believe.And this is best this way.Were we to come out here discuing religion, we‘d have too many differences from the outstart and we could never get together.So today, though Islam is my religious philosophy, my political, economic, and social philosophy is Black Nationalism.You and I -- As I say, if we bring up religion we‘ll have differences; we‘ll have arguments; and we‘ll never be able to get together.But if we keep our religion at home, keep our religion in the closet, keep our religion between ourselves and our God, but when we come out here, we have a fight that‘s common to all of us against a [sic] enemy who is common to all of us.

The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that the black man should control the politics and the politicians in his own community.The -- The time -- The time when white people can come in our community and get us to vote for them so that they can be our political leaders and tell us what to do and what not to do is long gone.By the same token, the time when that same white man, knowing that your eyes are too far open, can send another negro into the community and get you and me to support him so he can use him to lead us astray -- those days are long gone too.The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that if you and I are going to live in a Black community -- and that‘s where we‘re going to live, \'cause as soon as you move into one of their -- soon as you move out of the Black community into their community, it‘s mixed for a period of time, but they‘re gone and you‘re right there all by yourself again.We must -- We must understand the politics of our community and we must know what politics is supposed to produce.We must know what part politics play in our lives.And until we become politically mature we will always be mislead, lead astray, or deceived or maneuvered into supporting someone politically who doesn‘t have the good of our community at heart.So the political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we will have to carry on a program, a political program, of re-education to open our people\'s eyes, make us become more politically conscious, politically mature, and then we will -- whenever we get ready to cast our ballot, that ballot will be -- will be cast for a man of the community who has the good of the

community of heart.The economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we should own and operate and control the economy of our community.You would never -- You can‘t open up a black store in a white community.White men won‘t even patronize you.And he‘s not wrong.He‘s got sense enough to look out for himself.You the one who don‘t have sense enough to look out for yourself.The white man -- The white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of his community.But you will let anybody come in and take control of the economy of your community, control the housing, control the education, control the jobs, control the businees, under the pretext that you want to integrate.No, you\'re out of your mind.The political -- The economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we have to become involved in a program of reeducation to educate our people into the importance of knowing that when you spend your dollar out of the community in which you live, the community in which you spend your money becomes richer and richer; the community out which you take your money becomes poorer and poorer.And because these negroes, who have been mislead, misguided, are breaking their necks to take their money and spend it with The Man, The Man is becoming richer and richer, and you‘re becoming poorer and poorer.And then what happens? The community in which you live becomes a slum.It becomes a ghetto.The conditions become run down.And then you have the audacity to -- to complain about poor housing in a run-down community.Why you run it down yourself when you take your dollar out.And you and I are in a double-track, because not only do we lose by taking our money someplace else and spending it, when we try and spend it in our own community we‘re trapped because we haven‘t had sense enough to set up stores and control the businees of our community.The man who‘s controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn‘t look like we do.He‘s a man who doesn‘t even live in the community.So you and I, even when we try and spend our money in the block where we live or the area where we live, we‘re spending it with a man who, when the sun goes down, takes that basket full of money in another part of the town.So we‘re trapped, trapped, double-trapped, triple-trapped.Anywhere we go we find that we‘re trapped.And every kind of solution that someone comes up with is just another trap.But the political and economic philosophy of Black Nationalism -- the economic philosophy of Black Nationalism shows our people the importance of setting up these little stores and developing them and expanding them into larger operations.Woolworth didn‘t start out big like they are today.They started out with a dime store and expanded and expanded and then expanded until today, they‘re are all over the country and all over the world, and they get to some of everybody‘s money.Now this is what you and I -- General Motors [is] the same way.They didn‘t start out like it is.It started out just a little rat race type operation.And it expanded and it expanded until today it\'s where it is right now.And you and I have to make a start and the best place to start is right in the community where we live.

So our people not only have to be reeducated to the importance of supporting black busine, but the black man himself has to be made aware of the importance of going into busine.And once you and I go into busine, we own and operate at least the businees in our community.What we will be doing is developing a situation wherein we will actually be able to create employment for the people in the community.And once you can create some -- some employment in the community where you live it will eliminate the neceity of you and me having to act ignorantly and disgracefully, boycotting and picketing some \"cracker\" some place else trying to beg him for a job.Anytime you have to rely upon your enemy for a job, you‘re in bad shape.When you have -- He is your enemy.Let me tell you, you wouldn‘t be in this country if some enemy hadn‘t kidnapped you and brought you here.On the other hand, some of you think you came here on the Mayflower.

So as you can see brothers and sisters, today -- this afternoon, it\'s not our intention to discu religion.We‘re going to forget religion.If we bring up religion, we‘ll be in an argument, and the best way to keep away from arguments and differences, as I said earlier, put your religion at home -- in the closet.Keep it between you and your God.Because if it hasn‘t done anything more for you than it has, you need to forget it anyway.Whether you are -- Whether you are a Christian, or a Muslim, or a Nationalist, we all have the same problem.They don‘t hang you because you‘re a Baptist; they hang you \'cause you‘re black.They don‘t attack me because I‘m a Muslim; they attack me \'cause I‘m black.They attack all of us for the same reason; all of us catch hell from the same enemy.We‘re all in the same bag, in the same boat.We suffer political oppreion, economic exploitation, and social degradation -- all of them from the same enemy.The government has failed us; you can‘t deny that.Anytime you live in the twentieth century, 1964, and you walkin\' around here singing ―We Shall Overcome,‖ the government has failed us.

This is part of what‘s wrong with you -- you do too much singing.Today it‘s time to stop singing and start swinging.You can‘t sing up on freedom, but you can swing up on some freedom.Caius Clay can sing, but singing didn‘t help him to become the heavyweight champion of the world; swinging helped him become the heavyweight champion.This government has failed us; the government itself has failed us, and the white liberals who have been posing as our friends have failed us.And once we see that all these other sources to which we‘ve turned have failed, we stop turning to them and turn to ourselves.We need a self help program, a do-it -- a-do-it-yourself philosophy, a do-it-right-now philosophy, a it‘s-already-too-late philosophy.This is what you and I need to get with, and the only time -- the only way we\'re going to solve our problem is with a self-help program.Before we can get a self-help program started we have to have a self-help philosophy.Black Nationalism is a self-help philosophy.What\'s so good about it? You can stay right in the church where you are and still take Black Nationalism as your philosophy.You can stay in any kind of civic organization that you belong to and still take black nationalism as your philosophy.You can be an atheist and still take black nationalism as your philosophy.This is a philosophy that eliminates the neceity for division and argument.\'Cause if you\'re black you should be thinking black, and if you are black and you not thinking black at this late date, well I‘m sorry for you.

Once you change your philosophy, you change your thought pattern.Once you change your thought pattern, you change your -- your attitude.Once you change your attitude, it changes your behavior pattern and then you go on into some action.As long as you gotta sit-down philosophy, you‘ll have a sit-down thought pattern, and as long as you think that old sit-down thought you‘ll be in some kind of sit-down action.They‘ll have you sitting in everywhere.It‘s not so good to refer to what you‘re going to do as a \"sit-in.\" That right there castrates you.Right there it brings you down.What -- What goes with it? What -- Think of the image of a someone sitting.An old woman can sit.An old man can sit.A chump can sit.A coward can sit.Anything can sit.Well you and I been sitting long enough, and it‘s time today for us to start doing some standing, and some fighting to back that up.When we look like -- at other parts of this earth upon which we live, we find that black, brown, red, and yellow people in Africa and Asia are getting their independence.They‘re not getting it by singing ―We Shall Overcome.‖ No, they‘re getting it through nationalism.It is nationalism that brought about the independence of the people in Asia.Every nation in Asia gained its independence through the philosophy of nationalism.Every nation on the African continent that has gotten its independence brought it about through the philosophy of nationalism.And it will take black nationalism -- that to bring about the freedom of 22 million Afro-Americans here in this country where we have suffered colonialism for the past 400 years.America is just as much a colonial power as England ever was.America is just as much a colonial

power as France ever was.In fact, America is more so a colonial power than they because she‘s a hypocritical colonial power behind it.What is 20th -- What do you call second cla citizenship? Why, that‘s colonization.Second cla citizenship is nothing but 20th century slavery.How you gonna tell me you‘re a second cla citizen? They don‘t have second cla citizenship in any other government on this earth.They just have slaves and people who are free.Well this country is a hypocrite.They try and make you think they set you free by calling you a second cla citizen.No, you‘re nothing but a 20th century slave.

Just as it took nationalism to move -- to remove colonialism from Asia and Africa, it‘ll take black nationalism today to remove colonialism from the backs and the minds of 22 million Afro-Americans here in this country.And 1964 looks like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet.Why does it look like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet? Because Negroes have listened to the trickery, and the lies, and the false promises of the white man now for too long.And they‘re fed up.They‘ve become disenchanted.They‘ve become disillusioned.They‘ve become diatisfied, and all of this has built up frustrations in the black community that makes the black community throughout America today more explosive than all of the atomic bombs the Ruians can ever invent.Whenever you got a racial powder keg sitting in your lap, you‘re in more trouble than if you had an atomic powder keg sitting in your lap.When a racial powder keg goes off, it doesn‘t care who it knocks out the way.Understand this, it‘s dangerous.

And in 1964 this seems to be the year, because what can the white man use now to fool us after he put down that march on Washington? And you see all through that now.He tricked you, had you marching down to Washington.Yes, had you marching back and forth between the feet of a dead man named Lincoln and another dead man named George Washington singing ―We Shall Overcome.‖ He made a chump out of you.He made a fool out of you.He made you think you were going somewhere and you end up going nowhere but between Lincoln and Washington.So today, our people are disillusioned.They‘ve become disenchanted.They‘ve become diatisfied, and in their frustrations they want action.And in 1964 you‘ll see this young black man, this new generation asking for the ballot or the bullet.That old Uncle Tom action is outdated.The young generation don‘t want to hear anything about the odds are against us.What do we care about odds? When this country here was first being founded there were 13 colonies.The -- The whites were colonized.They were fed up with this taxation without representation, so some of them stood up and said ―liberty or death.‖ Though I went to a white school over here in Mason, Michigan, the white man made the mistake of letting me read his history books.He made the mistake of teaching me that Patrick Henry was a patriot, and George Washington, wasn‘t nothing non-violent about old Pat or George Washington.Liberty or death was what brought about the freedom of whites in this country from the English.They didn‘t care about the odds.Why they faced the wrath of the entire British Empire.And in those days they used to say that the British Empire was so vast and so powerful when the sun -- the sun would never set on it.This is how big it was, yet these 13 little scrawny states, tired of taxation without representation, tired of being exploited and oppreed and degraded, told that big British Empire ―liberty or death.‖

And here you have 22 million Afro-American black people today catching more hell than Patrick Henry ever saw.And I‘m -- I‘m here to tell you in case you don‘t know it -- that you got a new -- you got a new generation of black people in this country who don‘t care anything whatsoever about odds.They don‘t want to hear you old Uncle Tom handkerchief heads talking about the odds.No.This is a

new generation.If they‘re gonna draft these young black men and send them over to Korea or South Vietnam to face 800 million Chinese -- if you‘re not afraid of those odds, you shouldn‘t be afraid of these odds.Why is -- Why does this loom to be such an explosive political year? Because this is the year of politics.This is the year when all of the white politicians are going to come into the Negro community.You never see them until election time.You can‘t find them until election time.They‘re going to come in with false promises, and as they make these false promises they\'re gonna feed our frustrations and this will only serve to make matters worse.I‘m no politician.I‘m not even a student of politics.I‘m not a Republican, nor a Democrat, nor an American, and got sense enough to know it.I‘m one of the 22 million black victims of the Democrats, one of the 22 million black victims of the Republicans, and one of the 22 million black victims of Americanism.And when I speak, I don‘t speak as a Democrat, or a Republican, *nor an American.* I speak as a victim of America‘s so-called democracy.You and I have never seen democracy; all we‘ve seen is hypocrisy.When we open our eyes today and look around America, we see America not through the eyes of someone who have -- who has enjoyed the fruits of Americanism, we see America through the eyes of someone who has been the victim of Americanism.We don‘t see any American dream; we‘ve experienced only the American nightmare.We haven‘t benefited from America‘s democracy; we‘ve only suffered from America‘s hypocrisy.And the generation that‘s coming up now can see it and are not afraid to say it.If you -- If you go to jail, so what? If you black, you were born in jail.If you black, you were born in jail, in the North as well as the South.Stop talking about the South.Long as you south of the -- Long as you south of the Canadian border, you‘re south.Don‘t call Governor Wallace a Dixie governor; Romney is a Dixie governor.

Twenty-two million black victims of Americanism are waking up and they‘re gaining a new political consciousne, becoming politically mature.And as they become -- develop this political maturity, they‘re able to see the recent trends in these political elections.They see that the whites are so evenly divided that every time they vote the race is so close they have to go back and count the votes all over again.And that...which means that any block, any minority that has a block of votes that stick together is in a strategic position.Either way you go, that‘s who gets it.You‘re -- You\'re in a position to determine who will go to the White House and who will stay in the dog house.You‘re the one who has that power.You can keep Johnson in Washington D.C., or you can send him back to his Texas cotton patch.You‘re the one who sent Kennedy to Washington.You‘re the one who put the present Democratic Administration in Washington D.C.The whites were evenly divided.It was the fact that you threw 80 percent of your votes behind the Democrats that put the Democrats in the White House.When you see this, you can see that the Negro vote is the key factor.And despite the fact that you are in a position to -- to be the determining factor, what do you get out of it? The Democrats have been in Washington D.C.only because of the Negro vote.They‘ve been down there four years, and they\'re -- all other legislation they wanted to bring up they brought it up and gotten it out of the way, and now they bring up you.And now, they bring up you.You put them first, and they put you last, \'cause you‘re a chump, a political chump.In Washington D.C., in the House of Representatives, there are 257 who are Democrats; only 177 are Republican.In the Senate there are 67 Democrats; only 33 are Republicans.The Party that you backed controls two-thirds of the House of Representatives and the Senate, and still they can‘t keep their promise to you, \'cause you‘re a chump.Anytime you throw your weight behind a political party that controls two-thirds of the government, and that Party can‘t keep the promise that it made to you during election time, and you‘re dumb enough to walk around continuing to identify yourself with that Party,

you‘re not only a chump, but you‘re a traitor to your race.

And what kind of alibi do they come up with? They try and pa the buck to the Dixiecrats.Now back during the days when you were blind, deaf, and dumb, ignorant, politically immature, naturally you went along with that.But today as your eyes come open, and you develop political maturity, you‘re able to see and think for yourself, and you can see that a Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat in disguise.You look at the structure of the government that controls this country; it‘s controlled by 16 senatorial committees and 20 congreional committees.Of the 16 senatorial committees that run the government, 10 of them are in the hands of Southern segregationists.Of the 20 congreional committees that run the government, 12 of them in the -- are in the hands of Southern segregationists.And they\'re going to tell you and me that the South lost the war.You, today, have -- are in the hands of a government of segregationists, racists, white supremacists who belong to the Democratic party, but disguise themselves as Dixiecrats.A Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat.Whoever runs the Democrats is also the father of the Dixiecrats, and the father of all of them is sitting in the White House.I say and I say it again: You got a President who‘s nothing but a Southern segregationist from the state of Texas.They‘ll lynch you in Texas as quick as they‘ll lynch you in Miiippi.Only in -- in Texas they lynch you with a Texas accent; in Miiippi they lynch you with a Miiippi accent.And the first thing the cracker does when he comes in power, he takes all the Negro leaders and invites them for coffee to show that he‘s alright.And those Uncle Toms can‘t pa up the coffee.They come away from the coffee table telling you and me that this man is alright \'cause he‘s from the South, and since he‘s from the South he can deal with the South.Look at the logic that they‘re using.What about Eastland? He‘s from the South.Make him the President.He can -- If Johnson is a good man \'cause he‘s from Texas, and being from Texas will enable him to deal with the South, Eastland can deal with the South better than Johnson.Oh, I say you been mislead.You been had.You been took.I was in Washington a couple weeks ago while the Senators were filibustering, and I noticed in the back of the Senate a huge map, and on this map it showed the distribution of Negroes in America, and surprisingly the same Senators that were involved in the filibuster were from the states where there were the most Negroes.Why were they filibustering the civil rights legislation? Because the civil rights legislation is supposed to guarantee voting rights to Negroes in those states, and those senators from those states know that if the Negroes in those states can vote, those senators are down the drain.The Representatives of those states go down the drain.And in the Constitution of this country it has a stipulation wherein whenever the rights, the voting rights, of people in a certain district are violated, then the Representative who -- who‘s from that particular district, according to the Constitution, is supposed to be expelled from the Congre.Now, if this particular aspect of the Constitution was enforced, why you wouldn‘t have a cracker in Washington D.C.But what would happen when you expel the Dixiecrat, you‘re expelling the Democrat.When you destroy the power of the Dixiecrat, you‘re destroying the power -- power of the Democratic Party.So how in the world can the Democratic Party in the South actually side with you in sincerity, when all of its power is based in the -- in the South? These Northern Democrats are in cahoots with the Southern Democrats.They‘re playing a giant con game, a political con game.You know how it goes.One of them -- One of them comes to you and makes believe he\'s for you, and he‘s in cahoots with the other one that‘s not for you.Why? Because neither one of them is for you, but they got to make you go with one of them or the other.So this is a con game.And this is what they‘ve been doing with you and me all these years.

First thing Johnson got off the plane when he become President, he asked ―Where‘s Dicky?‖ You

know who ―Dicky‖ is? Dicky is old Southern cracker Richard -- Richard Ruell.Look here, yes.Lyndon B.Johnson‘s best friend is the one who is the head, who‘s heading the forces that are filibustering civil rights legislation.You tell me how in the hell is he going to be Johnson‘s best friend? How can Johnson be his friend and your friend too? No, that man is too tricky.Especially if his friend is still old Dicky.Whenever the Negroes keep the Democrats in power, they‘re keeping the Dixiecrats in power.Is this true? A vote for a Democrat is nothing but a vote for a Dixiecrat.I know you don‘t like me saying that, but I...I‘m not the kind of person who come here to say what you like.I‘m going to tell you the truth whether you like it or not.

Up here, in the North you have the same thing.The Democratic Party don‘t -- don\'t do it -- they don‘t do it that way.They got a thing that they call gerrymandering.They -- They maneuver you out of power.Even though you can vote, they fix it so you‘re voting for nobody; they got you going and coming.In the South, they‘re outright political wolves.In the North, they‘re political foxes.A fox and a wolf are both canine, both belong to the dog family.Now you take your choice.You going to choose a Northern dog or a Southern dog? Because either dog you choose I guarantee you you‘ll still be in the dog house.This is why I say it‘s the ballot or the bullet.It‘s liberty or it‘s death.It‘s freedom for everybody or freedom for nobody.America today finds herself in a unique situation.Historically, revolutions are bloody.Oh, yes, they are.They haven‘t never had a blood-le revolution, or a non-violent revolution.That don‘t happen even in Hollywood.You don‘t have a revolution in which you love your enemy, and you don‘t have a revolution in which you are begging the system of exploitation to integrate you into it.Revolutions overturn systems.Revolutions destroy systems.A revolution is bloody, but America is in a unique position.She‘s the only country in history in a position actually to become involved in a blood-le revolution.The -- The Ruian revolution was bloody; Chinese revolution was bloody; French revolution was bloody; Cuban revolution was bloody; and there was nothing more bloody then the American Revolution.But today this country can become involved in a revolution that won‘t take bloodshed.All she‘s got to do is give the black man in this country everything that‘s due him -- everything.I hope that the white man can see this, \'cause if he don‘t see it you‘re finished.If you don‘t see it you‘re going to be coming -- you‘re going to become involved in some action in which you don‘t have a chance.And we don‘t care anything about your atomic bomb; it\'s -- it‘s usele because other countries have atomic bombs.When two or three different countries have atomic bombs, nobody can use them, so it means that the white man today is without a weapon.If you‘re gonna -- If you want some action, you gotta come on down to Earth.And there\'s more black people on Earth than there are white people on Earth.I only got a couple more minutes.The white man can never win another war on the ground.His days of war, victory, his great -- his days of that ground victory are over.Can I prove it? Yes.Take all the action that‘s going on on this earth right now that he‘s involved in.Tell me where he‘s winning.Nowhere.Why some rice farmers -- some rice farmers -- some rice eaters ran him out of Korea.Yes, they ran him out of Korea.Rice eaters with nothing but gym shoes and a rifle and a bowl of rice took him and his tanks and his napalm and all that other action he‘s supposed to have and ran him acro the Yalu.Why? \'Cause the day that he can win on the ground has paed.Up in French Indo-China those little peasants, rice growers, took on the might of the French army and ran all the Frenchmen -- you remember Dien Bien Phu.No.The same thing happened in Algeria, in Africa.They didn‘t have anything but a rifle.The French had

all these highly mechanized instruments of warfare, but they put some guerilla action on, and a -- and a -- and a white man can‘t fight a guerilla warfare.Guerilla action takes heart, takes nerve, and he doesn‘t have that.He‘s brave when he‘s got tanks.He‘s brave when he‘s got planes.He‘s brave when he‘s got bombs.He‘s brave when he got a whole lot of company along with him, but you take that little man from Africa and Asia, turn him loose in the woods with a blade, with a blade -- that‘s all he needs, all he needs is a blade –- and when the sun comes down -- goes down and it‘s dark, it‘s even-steven.So it‘s the -- it\'s the ballot or the bullet.Today our people can see that we‘re faced with a government conspiracy.This government has failed us.The senators who are filibustering concerning your and my rights, that\'s the government.Don‘t say it‘s Southern senators.This is the government; this is a government filibuster.It‘s not a segregationist filibuster.It‘s a government filibuster.Any kind of activity that takes place on the floor of the Congre or the Senate, that\'s the government.Any kind of dilly-dallying, that‘s the government.Any kind of puy-footing, that‘s the government.Any kind of act that‘s designed to delay or deprive you and me right now of getting full rights, that‘s the government that\'s responsible.And any time you find the government involved in a conspiracy to violate the citizenship or the civil rights of a people, then you are wasting your time going to that government expecting redre.Instead, you have to take that government to the World Court and accuse it of genocide and all of the other crimes that it is guilty of today.So those of us whose political, and economic, and social philosophy is Black Nationalism have become involved in the civil rights struggle.We have injected ourselves into the civil rights struggle, and we intend to expand it from the level of civil rights to the level of human rights.As long as you\'re -- As long as you\'re fighting on the level of civil rights, you‘re under Uncle Sam‘s jurisdiction.You‘re going to his court expecting him to correct the problem.He created the problem.He‘s the criminal.You don‘t take your case to the criminal; you take your criminal to court.When the government of South Africa began to trample upon the human rights of the people of South Africa, they were taken to the U.N.When the government of Portugal began to trample upon the -- the rights of our brothers and sisters in Angola, it was taken before the U.N.Why even the white man took the Hungarian question to the U.N.And just this week Chief Justice Goldberg was crying over 3 million Jews in Ruia about their human rights, charging Ruia with violating the U.N.charter because of its mistreatment of the human rights of Jews in Ruia.Now you tell me how can the plight of everybody on this earth reach the halls of the United Nations, and you have 22 million Afro-Americans whose churches are being bombed, whose little girls are being murdered, whose -- whose leaders are being shot down in broad daylight.Now you tell me why the leaders of this struggle have never taken it before the United Nations.So our next move is to take the entire civil rights struggle problem into the United Nations and let the world see that Uncle Sam is guilty of violating the human rights of 22 million Afro-Americans....[short audio gap...content uncertain] [Uncle Sam...] and still has the audacity or the nerve to stand up and represent himself as the leader of the free world.Not only is he a crook, he‘s a hypocrite.There he is standing up in front of other people, Uncle Sam, with the blood of your and mine mothers and fathers on his hands, with the blood dripping down his jaws like a bloody-jawed wolf, and still got the nerve to point his finger at other countries.You can‘t even get civil rights legislation.And this man has got the nerve to stand up and talk about South Africa, or talk about Nazi Germany, or talk about [unclear].Nah, no more days like those.So, I say in my conclusion the only way we\'re going to solve it -- we gotta unite in unity and harmony, and Black Nationalism is the key.How we gonna overcome the tendency to be at each other\'s throats that always exists in our neighborhoods? And the reason this tendency exists, the strategy of the white

man has always been divide and conquer.He keeps us divided in order to conquer us.He tells you I‘m for separation and you\'re for integration to keep us fighting with each other.No, I‘m not for separation and you‘re not for integration.What you and I is for is freedom.Only you think that integration will get you freedom, I think separation will get me freedom.We both got the same objective.We just got different ways of getting at it.So I...studied this man, Billy Graham, who preaches White Nationalism.That‘s what he preaches.I say that‘s what he preaches.The whole church structure in this country is White Nationalism.You go inside a white church -- that‘s what they preaching: White Nationalism.They got Jesus white, Mary white, God white, everybody white -- that‘s White Nationalism.So what he does -- the way he -- the way he -- the way he circumvents the -- the jealousy and envy that he ordinarily would incur among the heads of the church, wherever he go into an area where the church already is you going into trouble, \'cause they got that thing -- what you call it -- syndicated, they got a syndicate just like the Racketeers have.I‘m going to say what‘s on my mind \'cause the churches are, the preachers already proved to you that they got a syndicate.And when you\'re out in the rackets, whenever you\'re getting in another man‘s territory, you know, they gang up on you.And that‘s the same way with you -- you ran into the same thing.So how Billy Graham gets around that, instead of going into somebody else‘s territory, like he going to start up a new church, he don\'t -- he doesn‘t try to start a church.He just goes in preaching Christ.And he says everybody who believe in Him, you go wherever -- you go wherever you find him.So this helps all the churches and so since it helps all the churches they don‘t fight him.

Well, we gonna do the same thing, only our gospel is Black Nationalism.His gospel is White Nationalism; our gospel is Black Nationalism.And the gospel of Black Nationalism, as I told you, means you should control your own -- the politics of your community, the economy of your community, and all of the society in which you live should be under your control.And...once you...feel that this philosophy will solve your problem, go join any church where that‘s preached.Don‘t join a church where White Nationalism is preached.Now you can go to a negro church and be exposed to White Nationalism, \'cause you are -- when you walk in a negro church and a white Mary and some white angels -- that Negro church is preaching White Nationalism.But when you go to a church and you see the pastor of that church with a philosophy and a program that‘s designed to bring black people together and elevate black people -- join that church.Join that church.If you see where the NAACP is preaching and practicing that which is designed to make Black Nationalism materialize -- join the NAACP.Join any kind of organization -- civic, religious, fraternal, political, or otherwise that‘s based on lifting the black man up and making him master of his own community.It‘ll be -- It‘ll be the -- the ballot or it‘ll be the bullet.It‘ll be liberty or it‘ll be death.And if you‘re not ready to pay that price don‘t use the word freedom in your vocabulary.One more thing: I was on a program in Illinois recently with Senator Paul Douglas, a so-called liberal, so-called Democrat, so-called white man, at...which time he told me that our African brothers were not interested in us in Africa.He said the Africans are not interested in the American Negro.I knew he was lying, but during the next two or three weeks it‘s my intention and plan to make a tour of our African homeland.And I hope that when I come back, I‘ll be able to come back and let you know how our African brothers and sisters feel toward us.And I know before I go there that they love us.We‘re one; we‘re the same; the same man who has colonized them all these years, colonized you and me too all these years.And all we have to do now is wake up and work in unity and harmony and the battle will be over.I want to thank the Freedom Now Party and the [unclear].I want to thank Milton and Richard Henley

for inviting me here this afternoon, and also Reverend Cleage.And I want them to know that anything that I can ever do, at any time, to work with anybody in any kind of program that is sincerely designed to eliminate the political, the economic, and the social evils that confront all of our people, in Detroit and elsewhere, all they got to do is give me a telephone call and I‘ll be on the next jet right on into the city.

八、Ronald Reagan The Space Shuttle \"Challenger\" Tragedy Addre Ladies and Gentlemen, I\'d planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the events of earlier today have led me to change those plans.Today is a day for mourning and remembering.Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger.We know we share this pain with all of the people of our country.This is truly a national lo.Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground.But we\'ve never lost an astronaut in flight.We\'ve never had a tragedy like this.And perhaps we\'ve forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle.But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly.We mourn seven heroes: Michael Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa McAuliffe.We mourn their lo as a nation together.For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy.But we feel the lo, and we\'re thinking about you so very much.Your loved ones were daring and brave, and they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, \"Give me a challenge, and I\'ll meet it with joy.\" They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths.They wished to serve, and they did.They served all of us.We\'ve grown used to wonders in this century.It\'s hard to dazzle us.But for twenty-five years the United States space program has been doing just that.We\'ve grown used to the idea of space, and, perhaps we forget that we\'ve only just begun.We\'re still pioneers.They, the members of the Challenger crew, were pioneers.And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage of the shuttle\'s take-off.I know it\'s hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen.It\'s all part of the proce of exploration and discovery.It\'s all part of taking a chance and expanding man\'s horizons.The future doesn\'t belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave.The Challenger crew was pulling us into the future, and we\'ll continue to follow them.I\'ve always had great faith in and respect for our space program.And what happened today does nothing to diminish it.We don\'t hide our space program.We don\'t keep secrets and cover things up.We do it all up front and in public.That\'s the way freedom is, and we wouldn\'t change it for a minute. We\'ll continue our quest in space.There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes, more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space.Nothing ends here; our hopes and our journeys continue.I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked on this miion and tell them: \"Your dedication and profeionalism have moved and impreed us for decades.And we know of your anguish.We share it.\" There\'s a coincidence today.On this day three hundred and ninety years ago, the great explorer Sir Francis Drake died aboard ship off the coast of Panama.In his lifetime the great frontiers were the oceans, and a historian later said, \"He lived by the sea, died on it, and was buried in it.\" Well, today, we can say of the Challenger crew: Their dedication was, like Drake\'s, complete.

The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives.We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their journey and waved goodbye and \"slipped the surly bonds of earth\" to \"touch the face of God.\" Thank you.

九、Lyndon Baines Johnson

Addre to a Joint Seion of Congre on Voting Legislation

\"We Shall Overcome\" Mr.Speaker, Mr.President, Members of the Congre: I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man\'s unending search for freedom.So it was at Lexington and Concord.So it was a century ago at Appomattox.So it was last week in Selma, Alabama.There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans.Many were brutally aaulted.One good man, a man of God, was killed.There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma.There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans.But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight.For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppreed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the government of the greatest nation on earth.Our miion is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis.Our lives have been marked with debate about great iues -- iues of war and peace, iues of prosperity and depreion.But rarely in any time does an iue lay bare the secret heart of America itself.Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.The iue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an iue.And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this iue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation.For with a country as with a person, \"What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?\" There is no Negro problem.There is no Southern problem.There is no Northern problem.There is only an American problem.And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans.We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose.The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: \"All men are created equal,\" \"government by consent of the governed,\" \"give me liberty or give me death.\" Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories.In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives.Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man.This dignity cannot be found in a man\'s poeions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position.It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others.It says that he shall share in

freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being.To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy.The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders.The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people.Many of the iues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult.But about this there can and should be no argument.Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote.There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right.There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes.Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right.The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent.And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application.And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test.The registrar is the sole judge of whether he paes this test.He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law.And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write.For the fact is that the only way to pa these barriers is to show a white skin.Experience has clearly shown that the existing proce of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination.No law that we now have on the books -- and I have helped to put three of them there -- can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it.In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us.The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his color.We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution.We must now act in obedience to that oath.Wednesday, I will send to Congre a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote.The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow.After they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill.I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my friends, to give them my views, and to visit with my former colleagues. I\'ve had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight.But I want to really discu with you now, briefly, the main proposals of this legislation.This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections -- Federal, State, and local -- which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution.It will provide for citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the State officials refuse to register them.It will eliminate tedious, unneceary lawsuits which delay the right to vote.Finally, this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congre -- I have no doubt that I will get some -- on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective.But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution.To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who want

to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people.Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin.Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land.There is no constitutional iue here.The command of the Constitution is plain.There is no moral iue.It is wrong -- deadly wrong -- to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country.There is no iue of States\' rights or national rights.There is only the struggle for human rights.I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer.

But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congre, it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections.That civil rights bill was paed after eight long months of debate.And when that bill came to my desk from the Congre for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated.This time, on this iue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no compromise with our purpose.We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in.And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill.We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.So I ask you to join me in working long hours -- nights and weekends, if neceary -- to pa this bill.And I don\'t make that request lightly.For from the window where I sit with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.But even if we pa this bill, the battle will not be over.What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America.It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full bleings of American life.Their cause must be our cause too.Because it\'s not just Negroes, but really it\'s all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice.And we shall overcome.As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are.I know how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society.But a century has paed, more than a hundred years since the Negro was freed.And he is not fully free tonight.

It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact.A century has paed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised.And yet the Negro is not equal.A century has paed since the day of promise.And the promise is un-kept.The time of justice has now come.I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back.It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come.And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American.For Negroes are not the only victims.How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we\'ve wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror? And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.This great, rich, restle country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller.These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease.They\'re our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor.And these enemies too -- poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome.

Now let none of us in any section look with prideful righteousne on the troubles in another section, or the problems of our neighbors.There\'s really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept.In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom.This is one nation.What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American.But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists.As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam.Men from every region fought for us acro the world twenty years ago.And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no le than any other region in the Great Republic -- and in some instances, a great many of them, more.And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans.For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it.Your President makes that request of every American.The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro.His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation.His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform.He has called upon us to make good the promise of America.And who among us can say that we would have made the same progre were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy.For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic proce.Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right; not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.And there have been many preures upon your President and there will be others as the days come and go.But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought -- in the courts, and in the Congre, and in the hearts of men.We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free aembly.But the right of free speech does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holler fire in a crowded theater.We must preserve the right to free aembly.But free aembly does not carry with it the right to block public thoroughfares to traffic.We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the constitutional rights of our neighbors.And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am permitted to serve in this office.We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek: progre, obedience to law, and belief in American values.In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace.We seek order.We seek unity.But we will not accept the peace of stifled rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest.For peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.In Selma tonight -- and we had a good day there -- as in every city, we are working for a just and peaceful settlement And we must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the

police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly paed this bill, the people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together.And when the attention of the nation has gone elsewhere, they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new community.This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows.It is in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impreive responsibility in recent days -- last Tuesday, again today.The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill.But, in a larger sense, most of the program I am recommending is a civil rights program.Its object is to open the city of hope to all people of all races.Because all Americans just must have the right to vote.And we are going to give them that right.All Americans must have the privileges of citizenship -- regardle of race.And they are going to have those privileges of citizenship -- regardle of race.But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more than just legal right.It requires a trained mind and a healthy body.It requires a decent home, and the chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.Of course, people cannot contribute to the nation if they are never taught to read or write, if their bodies are stunted from hunger, if their sickne goes untended, if their life is spent in hopele poverty just drawing a welfare check.So we want to open the gates to opportunity.But we\'re also going to give all our people, black and white, the help that they need to walk through those gates. My first job after college was as a teacher in Cotulla, Texas, in a small Mexican-American school.Few of them could speak English, and I couldn\'t speak much Spanish.My students were poor and they often came to cla without breakfast, hungry.And they knew, even in their youth, the pain of prejudice.They never seemed to know why people disliked them.But they knew it was so, because I saw it in their eyes.I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the claes were finished, wishing there was more that I could do.But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful face of a young child.I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965.It never even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.But now I do have that chance -- and I\'ll let you in on a secret -- I mean to use it.And I hope that you will use it with me.

This is the richest and the most powerful country which ever occupied this globe.The might of past empires is little compared to ours.But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought grandeur, or extended dominion.

I want to be the President who educated young children to the wonders of their world.

I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be tax-payers instead of tax-eaters.I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of every citizen to vote in every election.I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men, and who promoted love among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker, and the Senator from Montana, the majority leader, the Senator from Illinois, the minority leader, Mr.McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I came

here tonight -- not as President Roosevelt came down one time, in person, to veto a bonus bill, not as President Truman came down one time to urge the paage of a railroad bill -- but I came down here to ask you to share this task with me, and to share it with the people that we both work for.I want this to be the Congre, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all these people.Beyond this great chamber, out yonder in fifty States, are the people that we serve.Who can tell what deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen.We all can gue, from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happine, how many problems each little family has.They look most of all to themselves for their futures.But I think that they also look to each of us.Above the pyramid on the great seal of the United States it says in Latin: \"God has favored our undertaking.\" God will not favor everything that we do.It is rather our duty to divine His will.

But I cannot help believing that He truly understands and that He really favors the undertaking that we begin here tonight.

十、Mario Matthew Cuomo

1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Addre Thank you very much.On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to addre this convention.Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric.Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people.Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures.The President said that he didn\'t understand that fear.He said, \"Why, this country is a shining city on a hill.\" And the President is right.In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city\'s splendor and glory.A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well.But there\'s another city; there\'s another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can\'t pay their mortgages, and most young people can\'t afford one; where students can\'t afford the education they need, and middle-cla parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can\'t find it.Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there.And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn\'t show.There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day.There is despair, Mr.President, in the faces that you don\'t see, in the places that you don\'t visit in your shining city.In fact, Mr.President, this is a nation -- Mr.President you ought to know that this nation is more a \"Tale of Two Cities\" than it is just a \"Shining City on a Hill.\" Maybe, maybe, Mr.President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel.Maybe -- Maybe, Mr.President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homele there; maybe, Mr.President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you

needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire or for a miile we couldn\'t afford to use.Maybe -- Maybe, Mr.President.But I\'m afraid not.Because the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be.President Reagan told us from the very beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism.Survival of the fittest.\"Government can\'t do everything,\" we were told, so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest.Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle cla and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle cla.You know, the Republicans called it \"trickle-down\" when Hoover tried it.Now they call it \"supply side.\" But it\'s the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods.But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they can do is stare from a distance at that city\'s glimmering towers.It\'s an old story.It\'s as old as our history.The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence.The Republicans -- The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unle some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail.\"The strong\" -- \"The strong,\" they tell us, \"will inherit the land.\" We Democrats believe in something else.We democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once.Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and Hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native Americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of America.For nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence.And remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence.And it would be wrong to forget that.

So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children.Today our great Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depreion, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.

That\'s not going to be easy.Mo Udall is exactly right -- it won\'t be easy.And in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent\'s polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonablene and rationality.We must win this case on the merits.We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship to the reality, the hard substance of things.And we\'ll do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses.We must make -- We must make the American people hear our \"Tale of Two Cities.\" We must convince them that we don\'t have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices.If that\'s what\'s heard throughout the campaign, diident sounds from all sides, we will have no chance to tell our meage.To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform that we can all stand on, at once, and comfortably -- proudly singing out.We need -- We need a platform we can all agree to so that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth.

And we Democrats must unite.We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite, because surely the Republicans won\'t bring this country together.Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble.The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory.They would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.Now, we should not -- we should not be embarraed or dismayed or chagrined if the proce of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times.Remember that, unlike any other Party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic cla.In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of Eex County in New York, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation.And in between is the heart of our constituency -- the middle cla, the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare; the middle cla -- those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity.White collar and blue collar.Young profeionals.Men and women in small busine desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.We speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream.We speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America.We speak -- We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule \"thou shalt not sin against equality,\" a rule so simple --

I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will.It\'s a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters: E.R.A.We speak -- We speak for young people demanding an education and a future.We speak for senior citizens.We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security, their Social Security, is being threatened.We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity.And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discu the poibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy.They refuse.They refuse, because they believe we can pile miiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submiion.Now we\'re proud of this diversity as Democrats.We\'re grateful for it.We don\'t have to manufacture it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor.But we, while we\'re proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it.The different people that we represent have different points of view.And sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue.That\'s what our primaries were all about.But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pick our candidates and our platform here, to lock arms and move into this campaign together.If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus, then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980.Now the President has asked the American people to judge him on whether or not he\'s fulfilled the promises he made four years ago.I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that challenge.And just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he\'s done.Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miracle promised to us by the President.Inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way: with a receion, the worst since 1932.Now how did we -- We could have brought inflation down that way.How did he do it? 55,000 bankruptcies; two years of maive unemployment; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homele -- more homele than at any time since the Great Depreion in 1932; more hungry, in

this world of enormous affluence, the United States of America, more hungry; more poor, most of them women.And -- And he paid one other thing, a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future.Now, we must make the American people understand this deficit because they don\'t.The President\'s deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983.How large is it? The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe.It -- President Carter\'s last budget had a deficit le than one-third of this deficit.It is a deficit that, according to the President\'s own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for \"as far as the eye can see.\" And, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large -- that is almost one-half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest.It is a mortgage on our children\'s future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.Now don\'t take my word for it -- I\'m a Democrat.Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are.You see, if they\'re not too embarraed to tell you the truth, they\'ll say that they\'re appalled and frightened by the President\'s deficit.Ask them what they think of our economy, now that it\'s been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition.Now we\'re exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones.Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now.And ask them -- if they dare tell you the truth -- you\'ll learn from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.Now, how important is this question of the deficit.Think about it practically: What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homele, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind? If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on Election Day? Of course not! That was an election won under false pretenses.It was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions.And that\'s the kind of recovery we have now as well.But what about foreign policy? They said that they would make us and the whole world safer.They say they have.By creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is exceive -- by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race; by incendiary rhetoric; by refusing to discu peace with our enemies; by the lo of 279 young Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it.We have been le than zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel.Our -- Our policy -- Our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if we\'re lucky.And if we\'re not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.Of course we must have a strong defense! Of course Democrats are for a strong defense.Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight.And we have.Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives.But always -- when this country has been at its best -- our purposes were clear.Now they\'re not.Now our allies are as confused as our enemies.Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals -- not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa.We -- We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford.We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches.But we lost 279 young Americans in Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington.How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better? That -- That is the Republican record.That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the

American people I can only attribute to the President\'s amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.And, now -- now -- now it\'s up to us.Now it\'s up to you and to me to make the case to America.And to remind Americans that if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained.Unrestrained.Now, if -- if July -- if July brings back Ann Gorsuch Burford -- what can we expect of December? Where would -- Where would another four years take us? Where would four years more take us? How much larger will the deficit be? How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle cla and the poor to limit that deficit? How high will the interest rates be? How much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes? And, ladies and gentlemen, please think of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have? Please.[beckons audience to settle down] We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people\'s religion and morality; the man who believes that trees pollute the environment; the man that believes that -- that the laws against discrimination against people go too far; a man who threatens Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled.How high will we pile the miiles? How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? And, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people? This election will measure the record of the past four years.But more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.We Democrats still have a dream.We still believe in this nation\'s future.And this is our answer to the question.This is our credo: We believe in only the government we need, but we insist on all the government we need.We believe in a government that is characterized by fairne and reasonablene, a reasonablene that goes beyond labels, that doesn\'t distort or promise to do things that we know we can\'t do.We believe in a government strong enough to use words like \"love\" and \"compaion\" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities.We believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the proce of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.We -- Our -- Our government -- Our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps that are left by chance or by a wisdom we don\'t fully understand.We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the \"world\'s most sincere Democrat,\" St.Francis of Aisi, than laws written by Darwin.We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as bleed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world\'s history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle cla in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homele, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute.And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order. We believe proudly in the union movement.

We believe in a -- We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openne by government. We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights.

We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one another\'s pain, sharing one another\'s bleings -- reasonably, honestly, fairly, without respect to race, or sex, or geography, or political affiliation.We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the child in Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive and live decently is our struggle; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger; that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional Democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: Roosevelt\'s alphabet programs; Truman\'s NATO and the GI Bill of Rights; Kennedy\'s intelligent tax incentives and the Alliance for Progre; Johnson\'s civil rights; Carter\'s human rights and the nearly miraculous Camp David Peace Accord.Democrats did it -- Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again.We can build a future that deals with our deficit.Remember this, that 50 years of progre under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have.And we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation\'s family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people.We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compaion.

We know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980.And we can do it again, if we do not forget -- if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progreive principles; that they helped lift up generations to the middle cla and higher; that they gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city.And it\'s a story, ladies and gentlemen, that I didn\'t read in a book, or learn in a claroom.I saw it and lived it, like many of you.I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day.I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example.I learned about our kind of democracy from my father.And I learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother.They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children, and they -- they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves.This nation and this nation\'s government did that for them.And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, in the greatest State, in the greatest nation, in the only world we would know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic proce.And -- And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again -- only on a much, much grander scale.We will have a new President of the United States, a Democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants.And we will have America\'s first woman Vice President, the child of immigrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the United States.

Now, it will happen.It will happen if we make it happen; if you and I make it happen.And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this nation remember how futures are built.Thank you and God ble you.

十一、Barbara Charline Jordan

Statement on the Articles of Impeachment Thank you, Mr.Chairman.

Mr.Chairman, I join my colleague Mr.Rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry.Mr.Chairman, you are a strong man, and it has not been easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much aistance as poible.Earlier today, we heard the beginning of the Preamble to the Constitution of the United States: \"We, the people.\" It\'s a very eloquent beginning.But when that document was completed on the seventeenth of September in 1787, I was not included in that \"We, the people.\" I felt somehow for many years that George Washington and Alexander Hamilton just left me out by mistake.But through the proce of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, I have finally been included in \"We, the people.\" Today I am an inquisitor.An hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnne that I feel right now.My faith in the Constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total.And I am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the Constitution.\"Who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?\" \"The subjects of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men.\"¹ And that\'s what we\'re talking about.In other words, [the jurisdiction comes] from the abuse or violation of some public trust.It is wrong, I suggest, it is a misreading of the Constitution for any member here to aert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the President should be removed from office.The Constitution doesn\'t say that.The powers relating to impeachment are an eential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive.The division between the two branches of the legislature, the House and the Senate, aigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this Constitution were very astute.They did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.We know the nature of impeachment.We\'ve been talking about it awhile now.It is chiefly designed for the President and his high ministers to somehow be called into account.It is designed to \"bridle\" the executive if he engages in excees.\"It is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men.\"² The framers confided in the Congre the power if need be, to remove the President in order to strike a delicate balance between a President swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.The nature of impeachment: a narrowly channeled exception to the separation-of-powers maxim. The Federal Convention of 1787 said that.It limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term \"maladministration.\" \"It is to be used only for great misdemeanors,\" so it was said in the North Carolina ratification convention.And in the Virginia

ratification convention: \"We do not trust our liberty to a particular branch.We need one branch to check the other.\" \"No one need be afraid\" -- the North Carolina ratification convention -- \"No one need be afraid that officers who commit oppreion will pa with immunity.\" \"Prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the paions of the whole community,\" said Hamilton in the Federalist Papers, number 65.\"We divide into parties more or le friendly or inimical to the accused.\"³ I do not mean political parties in that sense.The drawing of political lines goes to the motivation behind impeachment; but impeachment must proceed within the confines of the constitutional term \"high crime[s] and misdemeanors.\" Of the impeachment proce, it was Woodrow Wilson who said that \"Nothing short of the groest offenses against the plain law of the land will suffice to give them speed and effectivene.Indignation so great as to overgrow party interest may secure a conviction; but nothing else can.\" Common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this proce for petty reasons.Congre has a lot to do: Appropriations, Tax Reform, Health Insurance, Campaign Finance Reform, Housing, Environmental Protection, Energy Sufficiency, Ma Transportation.Pettine cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems.So today we are not being petty.We are trying to be big, because the task we have before us is a big one.This morning, in a discuion of the evidence, we were told that the evidence which purports to support the allegations of misuse of the CIA by the President is thin.We\'re told that that evidence is insufficient.What that recital of the evidence this morning did not include is what the President did know on June the 23rd, 1972.The President did know that it was Republican money, that it was money from the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, which was found in the poeion of one of the burglars arrested on June the 17th.What the President did know on the 23rd of June was the prior activities of E.Howard Hunt, which included his participation in the break-in of Daniel Ellsberg\'s psychiatrist, which included Howard Hunt\'s participation in the Dita Beard ITT affair, which included Howard Hunt\'s fabrication of cables designed to discredit the Kennedy Administration.We were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new evidence forthcoming from the President of the United States.There has not even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receive any additional materials from the President.The committee subpoena is outstanding, and if the President wants to supply that material, the committee sits here.The fact is that on yesterday, the American people waited with great anxiety for eight hours, not knowing whether their President would obey an order of the Supreme Court of the United States.At this point, I would like to juxtapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of the actions the President has engaged in.Impeachment criteria: James Madison, from the Virginia ratification convention.\"If the President be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter him, he may be impeached.\" We have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects the payment to defendants money.The President had knowledge that these funds were being paid and these were funds collected for the 1972 presidential campaign.We know that the President met with Mr.Henry Petersen 27 times to discu matters related to Watergate, and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information Mr.Petersen was receiving.The words are: \"If the President is connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached.\" Justice Story: \"Impeachment\" is attended -- \"is intended for occasional and extraordinary cases where

a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations.\" We know about the Huston plan.We know about the break-in of the psychiatrist\'s office.We know that there was absolute complete direction on September 3rd when the President indicated that a surreptitious entry had been made in Dr.Fielding\'s office, after having met with Mr.Ehrlichman and Mr.Young.\"Protect their rights.\" \"Rescue their liberties from violation.\" The Carolina ratification convention impeachment criteria: those are impeachable \"who behave ami or betray their public trust.\"4 Beginning shortly after the Watergate break-in and continuing to the present time, the President has engaged in a series of public statements and actions designed to thwart the lawful investigation by government prosecutors.Moreover, the President has made public announcements and aertions bearing on the Watergate case, which the evidence will show he knew to be false.These aertions, false aertions, impeachable, those who misbehave.Those who \"behave ami or betray the public trust.\" James Madison again at the Constitutional Convention: \"A President is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution.\" The Constitution charges the President with the task of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed, and yet the President has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregard the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, conceal surreptitious entry, attempt to compromise a federal judge, while publicly displaying his cooperation with the procees of criminal justice.\"A President is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the Constitution.\" If the impeachment provision in the Constitution of the United States will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that 18th-century Constitution should be abandoned to a 20th-century paper shredder.Has the President committed offenses, and planned, and directed, and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the Constitution will not tolerate? That\'s the question.We know that.We know the question.We should now forthwith proceed to answer the question.It is reason, and not paion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision.*I yield back the balance of my time, Mr.Chairman.*

十二、General Douglas MacArthur

Farewell Addre to Congre Mr.President, Mr.Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congre: I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the wake of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this forum of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised.Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race.I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the iues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration.They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected.I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expreing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.I addre you with neither rancor nor bitterne in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country.The iues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole.While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no le true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other.There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort.I can think

of no greater expreion of defeatism.If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort.The Communist threat is a global one.Its succeful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector.You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discuion to the general areas of Asia.Before one may objectively ae the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia\'s past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present.Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom. Mustering half of the earth\'s population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progre to their own distinct cultural environments.Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progre and it may not be stopped.It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny.What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation.Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war\'s wake.World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood.What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom.These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war.Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the littoral line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines.That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakne along which the enemy could and did attack.The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas.All this was changed by our Pacific victory.Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it.Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area.We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies.From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.*Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be succeful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance.With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.

Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader.It aumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake.Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense.It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions eential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggreion.The holding of this littoral defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception.For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control.Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the lo of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years.China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other.The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture.At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge.This was further and more succefully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggreive tendencies.Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals.They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders.This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Ruia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggreively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up.The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly diipated by war that the maes are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists\' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one.Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet.But I believe that the aggreivene recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history.With a commendable will, eagerne to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war\'s wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing proce there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.

Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust.That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside

and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progre.I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan.The results fully justified my faith.I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war\'s terrible destructivene.We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us.A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.

On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious goip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland.The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines. With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict.While I was not consulted prior to the President\'s decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces.Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.Such decisions have not been forthcoming.While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military neceity in the conduct of the war made neceary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaiance of China\'s coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.For entertaining these views, all profeionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least poible delay and at a saving of countle American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.

I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available.I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy

utilized its full military potential.I have constantly called for the new political decisions eential to a solution.Efforts have been made to distort my position.It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger.Nothing could be further from the truth.I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting.I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructivene on both friend and foe has rendered it usele as a means of settling international disputes.Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Miouri, I formally cautioned as follows: Men since the beginning of time have sought peace.Various methods through the ages have been attempted to devise an international proce to prevent or settle disputes between nations.From the very start workable methods were found in so far as individual citizens were concerned, but the mechanics of an instrumentality of larger international scope have never been succeful.Military alliances, balances of power, Leagues of Nations, all in turn failed, leaving the only path to be by way of the crucible of war.The utter destructivene of war now blocks out this alternative.We have had our last chance.If we will not devise some greater and more equitable system, Armageddon will be at our door.The problem basically is theological and involves a spiritual recrudescence and improvement of human character that will synchronize with our almost matchle advances in science, art, literature, and all material and cultural developments of the past 2000 years.It must be of the spirit if we are to save the flesh.But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.War\'s very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.In war there is no substitute for victory.There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China.They are blind to history\'s clear leon, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war.It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace.Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and succeively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.\"Why,\" my soldiers asked of me, \"surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?\" I could not answer.Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention.Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necearily mesh its actions with our moves.Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits.It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy\'s sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism.The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description. They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery.Their last words to me were: \"Don\'t scuttle the Pacific!\" I have just left your fighting sons in Korea.They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least

lo of time and a minimum sacrifice of life.Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.

Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.I am closing my 52 years of military service.When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams.The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that \"old soldiers never die; they just fade away.\" And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.Good Bye.

十三、Jee Jackson

1984 Democratic National Convention Addre Thank you very much.Tonight we come together bound by our faith in a mighty God, with genuine respect and love for our country, and inheriting the legacy of a great Party, the Democratic Party, which is the best hope for redirecting our nation on a more humane, just, and peaceful course.This is not a perfect party.We are not a perfect people.Yet, we are called to a perfect miion.Our miion: to feed the hungry; to clothe the naked; to house the homele; to teach the illiterate; to provide jobs for the joble; and to choose the human race over the nuclear race.We are gathered here this week to nominate a candidate and adopt a platform which will expand, unify, direct, and inspire our Party and the nation to fulfill this miion.My constituency is the desperate, the damned, the disinherited, the disrespected, and the despised.They are restle and seek relief.They have voted in record numbers.They have invested the faith, hope, and trust that they have in us.The Democratic Party must send them a signal that we care.I pledge my best not to let them down.There is the call of conscience, redemption, expansion, healing, and unity.Leadership must heed the call of conscience, redemption, expansion, healing, and unity, for they are the key to achieving our miion.Time is neutral and does not change things.With courage and initiative, leaders change things.No generation can choose the age or circumstance in which it is born, but through leadership it can choose to make the age in which it is born an age of enlightenment, an age of jobs, and peace, and justice.Only leadership -- that intangible combination of gifts, the discipline, information, circumstance, courage, timing, will and divine inspiration -- can lead us out of the crisis in which we find ourselves.Leadership can mitigate the misery of our nation.Leadership can part the waters and lead our nation in the direction of the Promised Land.Leadership can lift the boats stuck at the bottom.I have had the rare opportunity to watch seven men, and then two, pour out their souls, offer their service, and heal and heed the call of duty to direct the course of our nation.There is a proper season for everything.There is a time to sow and a time to reap.There\'s a time to compete and a time to cooperate.I ask for your vote on the first ballot as a vote for a new direction for this Party and this nation -- a vote of conviction, a vote of conscience.But I will be proud to support the nominee of this convention for the Presidency of the United States of America.Thank you.I have watched the leadership of our party develop and grow.My respect for both Mr.Mondale and Mr.Hart is great.I have watched them struggle with the crowinds and crofires of being public servants, and I believe they will both continue to try to serve us faithfully.

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